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George finds the advantages of the longbow and of the manner in which it was used in England in three factors. First, it was held vertically and not horizontally like the short bow, and it could therefore be pulled back much farther; second, in doing so, one could give the longbow greater tension; and third, the marksmen could aim better along the arrow that was thus pulled farther back. While the range of an arrow’s trajectory was 400 yards, the normal range in practice, according to George, was a furlong（one-eighth of an English mile, or approximately 200 yards）.
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Why Richard the Lion-Hearted, in spite of these advantages, preferred the crossbow, and why the longbow actually remained peculiar to the English, appears to George to be a “mystery.”
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21.The Welsh Wars of Edward I, pp.79，82，313.
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9 战例介绍
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1.“Studies on the Military History of England in the Twelfth Century”（“Studien zur Kriegsgeschichte Englands im 12. Jahrhundert”），by J. Douglas Drummond. Berlin dissertation，1905.
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2.According to Drummond.
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3.Aelredi Abbatis Rievallensis（Aelred, abbot of Rievaulx），Historia de bello Standardii（History of the Battle of the Standard），p.338.“strenuissimi milites in prima fronte locati lancearios et sagittarios ita sibi inseruerunt ut, militaribus armis protecti … Scutis scuta junguntur”（“The most vigorous knights placed on the front line, so inserted spearmen and archers that, protected by the arms of the knights … shields were joined to shields”）.
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4.According to Drummond.
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5.Radulf, Gesta Tancredi（Deeds of Tancred），Chap.22.
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6.“Ut pedites castra servarent et milites hostibus obviam extra castra pergerent”（“so that the foot soldiers might guard the camp and the knights might proceed against the enemy outside the camp”）. Raimund. According to the Gesta，“pars peditum”（“part of the foot soldiers”）.
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7.“Procedebamus ita spaciosi, sicut in processionibus clerici pergere solent et re vera nobis processio erat.”（“We were advancing in so loose a formation, just as clerics are accustomed to go in processions, and in fact we had a procession.”）
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8.Letter from the princes to the pope.
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9.Heermann, p.52，Note 2.
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10.Furthermore, the character of this letter as an official document is not absolutely certain. Hagenmeier, Studies in German History（Forschung zur deutschen Geschichte），13：400，believed he could show that Raimund himself was the author of the letter. The difference in the figures for the army strengths would not stand in the way of this interpretation. These numbers are only very vague estimates, which the same man can have stated very differently at various times, after speaking with various people.
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11.According to the ltinerarium Regis Ricardi（Itinerary of King Richard），VI, paras.21-24. Edited by Stubbs in the Rerum Britannicarum medii aevi Scriptores（Writers of British History of the Middle Ages），p.415. Oman, History of War, p.316.
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12.Of course, we could base a conclusion on the worthlessness of the foot troops on the express testimony of Raimund of Agiles, who says that, when the knights moved out before Antioch for the battle by the lake（9 February 1098），the foot troops were left behind in front of the beleaguered city.“Dicebant enim, quod multi de exercitu nostro imbelles et pavidi, si viderent Turcorum multitudinem, timoris potius quam audaciae exempla monstrarent.”（“They said in fact that many of our army, cowardly and afraid if they saw a crowd of Turks, presented examples of fear rather than boldness.”）But these kinds of statements are not objective evidence. Furthermore, some of the foot troops did move out with the knights（according to the Gesta），and that same day the rest of them successfully repulsed a sortie of the besieged forces.
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13.Köhler, p.156. Oman, p.477.
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14.Morris, p.256. Oman, p.561.
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15.Köhler，2：206-207. On the basis of the Regensburg Annals, M.G. SS.，17.418.
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16.Köhler，2：210.
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第四篇 中世纪晚期
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1 中世纪晚期的研究路径 无
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2 方阵会战、城市军队与征召民兵
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1.Spiegel historiaal, IV, Chap.33：
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Then he（Artois）wanted to surrender to them
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