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2.This is expressly reported by Vitoduran.
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3.Morgarten is the mountain east of the lake. Schorno is 1，100 meters south of the lake, and Sattel is somewhat farther south, where the road from Schorno meets the road from Altmatt.
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4.One might ask why the Schwyzers later（1322）extended the letzi near Schorno, since its absence had, after all, done them the good service in 1315 of attracting the duke onto the dangerous route. The answer may be that they could in no case count on surprising the enemy a second time at the same place and therefore preferred to protect the land here also.
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5.The fact that Vitoduran gives a strength of 20，000 men is, of course, meaningless.
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6.Werner Stauffacher had led the Schwyzers in January 1314 in the raid on Einsiedeln and appears again in sources after the battle at the head of his country. Oechsli, p.352.
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7.As we have already seen above, Oechsli estimates the population of Schwyz at that time at some 18，000. Even if it should have been a few thousand smaller, we must still assume that in the most extreme danger even the last available man was called up. We surely cannot go below a figure of 3，000. In addition, there were also the men of Arth, those of Uri, and perhaps also men of Unterwalden. But we must make a small deduction for the garrison of the letzi of Arth and perhaps also of Brunnen, to defend against an attack by water.
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The numerical superiority of the confederates in the actual battle was even greater because part of the Hapsburg troops, for example, the Winterthur contingent, were still on the way.
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8.In later accounts, the advance guard is designated as the “banished ones”（“Verbannten”），and this has given rise to the most varied interpretations. Nevertheless, this is simply a question of a misunderstood word. The misunderstanding is clarified by H. Herzog in the Schweizerische Monatshefte für Offiziere aller Waffen，1906.
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9.All available accounts have been printed one after the other by Thomas von Liebenau in the Mitteilungen des historischen Vereins des Kantons Schwyz, Issue No.3，1884.
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Of value in this analysis are the notes Dändliker added in the fourth edition of his Geschichte der Schweiz, after he changed his earlier account in favor of the Bürkli concept（p.700）.
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Bürkli followed up his first work, The Creation of the Swiss Confederation and the Battle on the Morgarten（Die Entstehung der Schweizer Eidgenossenschaft und die Schlacht am Morgarten），1891，with a second treatment under the title “A Monument on the Morgarten”（“Ein Denkmal am Morgarten”），in the Zuger Neujahrsblatt für das Jahr 1895（published by W.Anderwert）. This article is also accompanied by a good special map.
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3 劳彭会战
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1.It is an unproven supposition that Austria stood behind the alliance against Bern. If the House of Hapsburg had really wanted to defeat Bern at that time, it would have acted very foolishly by keeping itself in reserve instead of immediately sending so many forces to join the allies that the victory would be assured. I mention this only so that it will not be concluded possibly from the presumed secret alliance of Austria with the enemies of Bern, that the forest cantons, too, because they were also enemies of Austria, would have had an interest in the war.
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In 1383 Uri and Unterwalden received 4，445 pounds from Bern for military assistance given in the Kyburg war.
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The letter of alliance of 1353 provided that the men of the forest cantons, when called by the Bernese for help, would move over the Brünig Pass to Unterseeen（Interlaken）without pay, but from there on they would receive one groschen Tournois for each man daily. Von Elgger, Military System and Military Skill of the Swiss Confederation in the Fourteenth, Fifteenth, and Sixteenth Centuries（Kriegswesen und Kriegskunst der schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft im 14.，15.und 16. Jahrhundert），Lucerne，1873，p.40.
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Also, when the peasants of Appenzell, who certainly did not have much, called on the Schwyzers for help against their abbot（1403），they had to pay them. Dierauer, Geschichte der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft，1：400，Note 2.
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2.Köhler, Ritterzeit，2：605.
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3.All the more so in that it is confirmed by the Chronica de Berno, a short contemporary account. Edited by Studer as a supplement to Justinger, p.300.
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4.Studer has also quite correctly pointed out in the Archiv des historischen Vereins Bern, Vol.IV，（1858-1860），Issue No.3，that, according to the contemporary report, Fribourg was the real enemy of Bern. Not until a later time, in keeping with the then existing animosities, was the war branded as a conflict against the nobility.
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The bishop of Lausanne, too, had troops at Laupen as an ally of Fribourg, as is proven in the sources. Studer, p.27.
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5.Rüstow, Geschichte der Infanterie，1：152，believes that the Bernese did not have any missile weapons. That is extremely improbable, in fact impossible. In any event, it is not to be concluded from the fact that they do not happen to be mentioned in the accounts of this battle.
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6.Solothurn had provided eighteen helmets, and the baron of Weissenburg fought on the side of the Bernese. In the battle of Hutwil（1340）there is mention of a mounted banner of Bernese that moved out in front of the main banner with the skirmishers. Justinger, pp.97，99. Later, the Bernese mounted troops enjoyed a particularly high respect. Elgger, p.302.
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7.Justinger, p.99.
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4 森巴赫会战
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1.The Swiss must have learned several days in advance that the duke’s attack was imminent, for otherwise they could not have had their army on hand right on the day of his departure. The reinforcements from the original cantons, who were at Zurich, marched off from there on 7 July at the latest, as is to be concluded from a decision of the council of 7 July.Eidgenössische Abschrifte，1.72.
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