1700097105 15.According to the extract in Häne, p.29.

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1700097107 16.According to Thüring Frickhart’s Twingherrenstreit, edited by Studer, Quellen zur Schweizer Geschichte，1（1877）：137.

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1700097109 17.Studer, Quellen zur Schweizer Geschichte，1（1877）：145.

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1700097111 18.W.F.von Mülinen, History of the Swiss Mercenaries up to the Formation of the First Permanent Guard in 1497（Geschichte der Schweizer Sóldner bis zur Errichtung der ersten stehenden Garde，1497），Bern，1887.

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1700097113 19.Collection Petitot，10：245.

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1700097115 20.“Et jam Palatini cessurus equitatus fuerat, nisi prodeuntes a latebris pedites longis hastis Badensium equos confodere cepissent.”（“And the Palatine cavalry had already been about to yield, if the foot soldiers advancing from their hideouts had not undertaken to strike the horses of the Badensians with their long spears.”）Gobellinus, cited by Roder in Die Schlacht bei Seckenheim, Billingen，1877. The principal source is a poetic work by Michael Beheim.

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1700097117 7　勃艮第战争

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1700097119 1.To be sure, the Swiss, too, suffered defeats a few times, when they moved out of their mountains, as, for example, the Appenzellers in 1405 at Altstetten, and in 1408 at Bregenz, and the troops of Uri in 1422 at Arbedo. But those were not very important engagements.“Ueber Arbedo，” by Fr. Knorreck, Berlin dissertation，1910.

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1700097121 2.Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, p.609.

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1700097123 3.Nicolaus Rüsch, the city scribe of Basel, even states that the Burgundians were 10，000 strong on horseback and 8，000 on foot. Busier Chroniken, Vol.Ill, p.304，1887.

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1700097125 4.Rodt，1：304.

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1700097127 5.According to the note in Tobler’s Schilling，1：163，the Solothurners reported to their home town in 1635.

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1700097129 6.Basler Chroniken，3：305.

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1700097131 7.Witte, Zeitschrift fur Geschichte des Oberrheins，45：394.

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1700097133 8.Vol.I, p.326.Dierauer，1：197，also accepts the number 70.

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1700097135 9.Witte, Zeitschrift für Geschichte des Oberrheins，49（1895）：217.

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1700097137 10.F.de Gingins-la-Sarra, Dispatches from the Milanese Ambassadors on the Campaigns of Charles the Bold, from 1474 to 1477（Dépêches des ambassadeurs Milanais sur les campagnes de Charles le Hardi, de 1474 à 1477），Paris，1858.

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1700097139 11.Olivier de la Marche, who, as a confidant of the duke, was able to know his intentions, states in his memoirs（which, unfortunately, are very brief with respect to this war）that Vaumarcus was occupied as a lure in order to entice the troops of the Confederation to move forward. This reason is not very clear, since on the far side of the narrow pass the duke would never be able to find a battlefield as favorable as the one offered him by his fortified position at Grandson. In any case he could keep his army assembled and wait for a few weeks more easily than the Swiss. This point serves as factual confirmation of the impatience and underestimation of the enemy, outstanding characteristics attributed to the duke by many sources.

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1700097141 12.Principally the Baselers, whose strength is given as sixty men. But since the leader of the Austrian knights, Hermann von Eptingen, was also present（Meitinger’s letter, cited by Knebel），at least a part of these Austrians must also have been present.

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1700097143 13.This point is stressed by the Burgundian court historian, Molinet.

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1700097145 14.Reported in Saint Gall’s Part in the Burgundian Wars（St. Gallens Anteil an den Burgunderkriegen），published by the Historischer Verein in St. Galien, Saint Gall，1876.

1700097146

1700097147 15.In the minutes of the meeting of 15 May（Eidgenössische Abschrifte，2：593）there is stated only “and fifty men dead.”The same minutes, however, state that 1，500 or 1，600 slain Burgundians were found, and that the duke had 60，000 actual mounted men and still more of the other troops. Consequently, it is not very trustworthy. The men of Schwyz had seventy wounded and seven killed（Knebel states that they lost eighty men all together）. On the basis of the accounts for the care of the wounded, the total of wounded can be assumed to be about 700，and the figure for those killed may then be something between fifty and seventy.

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1700097149 Bernoulli, Baseler Neujahrsblatt，1899，p. 23，and Feldmann, Schlacht bei Granson, p.56，assume the losses to be only fifty dead and between 300 and 400 wounded.

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1700097151 16.Dändliker, in his Geschichte der Schweiz，2：224，explains the failure to exploit the victory at Grandson as completely due to the lack of military understanding on the part of the Confederation. He writes: “In their joy over the uplifting success at Grandson, the men of the Confederation were initially no longer concerned about Duke Charles. They considered their mission as accomplished. When Bern, which was not inclined to such a carefree and self-deceptive attitude and took the situation seriously, wanted to continue the war, the majority of the Confederation decided for the return home.”Such experienced warriors as the troops of Zurich, with their burgomaster Waldmann, and the other members of the Confederation are not supposed to have been capable of understanding the situation when Bern explained to them that they could best protect themselves against a renewed attack by a pursuit of the defeated army? We see here to what point a false basic concept finally leads. Dändliker is not willing to concede that the Swiss were the aggressors in this war, but he would like to explain the war as a kind of emergency defense, because the Swiss felt themselves threatened by the duke of Burgundy. If it were not absolutely clear from the original sources, then the conduct of the Swiss after the victory of Grandson would show how extremely far from the minds of the Swiss was the thought of feeling threatened by the Burgundian force.

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1700097153 17.My estimate of the strength of the Burgundians at Murten（20，000 men at most）has, of course, been disputed widely by the Swiss, but nothing tangible has been brought up to oppose my viewpoint. Dierauer, p.211，would like to go up to a number between 23，000 and 25，000 men, but only on the basis of reported reinforcements in the last days before the battle, reinforcements that have not been proven. In my estimate, the only correction to be made is the note in Perser-und Burgunderkriege, p.153，where, according to the latest critical edition of Comines by Mandrot，1：363，the number “18，000” means, after all，“18，000 dead，” that is, all together, whereas, according to him, of those “prenant gages”—that is, warriors—8，000 are supposed to have fallen.

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