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其次,我们需要弄清楚身体和情感之间的关系。重要的是,先要在我们的研究对象的背景下,考察关于情感和身体的局部和历史观念。只有当我们把注意力转移到对非言语性身体行为(比如“shokeling”,即正统犹太教徒祈祷时摇晃身体的方式)的描述上时,或转移到具体的语言行为(如生活在同一屋檐下的父子之间的书信往来,这是早期现代法国贵族的特征,他们认为写下来的情感比口头表达的情感更为重要)时,身体才能被定义。(126)
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第三,判断或评价的情感成分是值得思考的。应该赋予历史行为者多少能动性,即他们是否更多是做出反应而不是主动行动,是否根据文化、特定群体的成员身份或群体的构成来区分他们的情感对象,这些都是情感史上的重要问题。
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最后,在情感与道德的关系上确定一个立场是很有意义的。如果历史行为者为他们的行为提供了道德上的理由,以这种方式表达了情感与道德之间的相互联系,这就赋予他们的情感一种独特的意义,这种意义与在认为情感与道德无关的社会中不同。如果能阐明这四点,我们就在形成情感的定义方面向前迈出了重要的一步。基础已经奠定,下面我们就可以着手充实情感史的空间了。
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(1) David Sander, “Amygdala”, in Sander and Klaus R. Scherer (eds.), The Oxford Companion to Emotion and the Affective Sciences (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 28—32, here 28.
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(2) 见 accessed 25 February 2014。
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(3) Joseph E. LeDoux, The Emotional Brain: The Mysterious Underpinnings of Emotional Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), ch. 6, esp. 163—168.
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(4) 本插图又见Joseph E. LeDoux, The Emotional Brain: The Mysterious Underpinnings of Emotional Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), ch. 6, esp. 166。
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(5) 一篇综述文章称:“杏仁核由功能不同的核团(即13个主要的核团,每个核团都可以进一步细分)组成,它们之间有广泛的核间和核内连接。” Tim Dalgleish, Barnaby D. Dunn, and Dean Mobbs,“Affective Neuroscience: Past, Present, and Future”, Emotion Review , 1/4 (2009), 355—368, here 358.另一篇论文对神经细胞有一种被称为“杏仁核”的单一结构的说法提出了质疑,并将其称为“大脑半球结构和功能上的异质性区域”。Larry W. Swanson and Gorica D. Petrovich,“What is the Amygdala?”, Trends in Neurosciences , 21/8 (1998), 323—31, here 330.还有人认为,来自大脑其他部分的神经细胞属于一个“扩展的杏仁核”,其中包括基底前脑的无名质。John P. Aggleton (ed.), The Amygdala: A Functional Analysis (2nd edn., Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 8—9; M. Davis and P. J. Whalen, “The Amygdala: Vigilance and Emotion”, Molecular Psychiatry , 6/1 (2001), 13—34.
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(6) 关于嗅觉,见Geoffrey Schoenbaum, Andrea A. Chiba, and Michela Gallagher, “Neural Encoding in Orbitofrontal Cortex and Basolateral Amygdala during Olfactory Discrimination Learning”, Journal of Neuroscience , 19/5 (1999), 1876—1884;关于视觉,见Ralph Adolphs, Daniel Tranel, Hanna Damasio, and Antonio R. Damasio, “Fear and the Human Amygdala”, Journal of Neuroscience , 15/9 (1995), 5879—5891;关于爵士音乐家对即兴音乐和有乐谱的音乐的区分,见Annerose Engel and Peter E. Keller, “The Perception of Musical Spontaneity in Improvised and Imitated Jazz Performances”, Frontiers in Auditory Cognitive Neuroscience , 2/83(2011), 1—13。
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(7) 见Richard J. Davidson, “Seven Sins in the Study of Emotion: Correctives from Affective Neuroscience”, Brain and Cognition , 52/1 (2003), 129—132, here 130。
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(8) Daan Baas, André Aleman, and René S. Kahn, “Lateralization of Amygdala Activation:A Systematic Review of Functional Neuroimaging Studies”, Brain Research Reviews , 45/2(2004), 96—103.
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(9) Jean Smith, “Self and Experience in Maori Culture”, in Paul Heelas and Andrew Lock(eds.), Indigenous Psychologies: The Anthropology of the Self (London: Academic Press, 1981), 145—159, here 149.
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(10) Barbara H. Rosenwein, “Introduction”, in Rosenwein (ed.), Anger’s Past: The Social Uses of an Emotion in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 2.
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(11) Ingrid Kasten, “Einleitung”, in C. Stephen Jaeger and Ingrid Kasten (eds.), Codierungen von Emotionen im Mittelalter: Emotions and Sensibilities in the Middle Ages (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2003), xiii—xxviii, here xiv.
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(12) Peter N. Stearns and Carol Z. Stearns, “Emotionology: Clarifying the History of Emotions and Emotional Standards”, American Historical Review , 90/4 (1985), 813—836, here 824.
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(13) Rüdiger Schnell, “Historische Emotionsforschung: Eine mediävistische Standortbestimmung”,Frühmittelalterliche Studien , 38 (2005), 173—276, here 180, 213.
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(14) Armin Günther, “Sprache und Geschichte: Überlegungen zur Gegenstandsangemessenheit einer historischen Psychologie”, in Michael Sonntag and Gerd Jüttemann (eds.), Individuum und Geschichte: Beiträge zur Diskussion um eine “ Historische Psychologie” (Heidelberg: Asanger, 1993), 34—48, here 35.
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(15) Catherine Lutz and Geoffrey M. White, “The Anthropology of Emotions”, Annual Review of Anthropology , 15 (1986), 405—436, here 406.另外,海伦娜· 弗拉姆(Helena Flam)认为有“建构主义方法和实证主义方法”,参见Helena Flam, Soziologie der Emotionen: Eine Einführung (Konstanz: UVK Verlagsgesellschaft, 2002), 118。根据欧文· 林奇(Owen Lynch)的观点,“西方理性对情感的等级划分暗示了人类对动物、文化对自然的进一步等级划分”,参见Owen M. Lynch, “The Social Construction of Emotion in India”, in Lynch (ed.), Divine Passions
:The Social Construction of Emotion in India (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990), 3—34, here 10。
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(16) Mary-Jo Delvecchio Good, Byron J. Good, and Michael M. J. Fischer, “Introduction
:Discourse and the Study of Emotion, Illness and Healing”, Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry , 12/1 (1988), 1—7, here 2.
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(17) 见Lutz and White, “Anthropology of Emotions”, 406, 429—430。
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(18) Lorraine Daston and Gianna Pomata, “The Faces of Nature: Visibility and Authority”,in Daston and Pomata (eds.), The Faces of Nature in Enlightenment Europe (Berlin: BWV, 2003), 1—16, here 14.
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(19) Maurice Bloch and Jean H. Bloch, “Women and the Dialectics of Nature in Eighteenth-Century French Thought”, in Carol P. MacCormack and Marilyn Strathern (eds.), Nature,Culture and Gender (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 25—41, here 27.
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(20) 关于高尔顿对自然—文化二元对立的贡献,见Donald A. MacKenzie, Statistics in Britain
:1865—1930: The Social Construction of Scientific Knowledge (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1981)。
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(21) Wilhelm Windelband, Geschichte und Naturwissenschaft: Rede zum Antritt des Rectorats der Kaiser-Wilhelm-Universität Strassburg, gehalten am 1. Mai 1894 (3rd edn., Strasbourg, 1904).又见民族学家约翰· 莱维特(John Leavitt)。他认为,情感研究一直受到一种徒劳的划分的阻碍,这种划分存在于一种由通则论科学研究的自然和一种由“意识形态科学”所负责的文化之间。参见John Leavitt, “Meaning and Feeling in the Anthropology of Emotions”, American Ethnologist , 23/3 (1996), 514—539, here 515。
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(22) 洛林· 达斯顿与本书作者的对话(2009年6月25日),又见Jan Plamper and Benjamin Lazier, “Introduction: The Phobic Regimes of Modernity”, Representations , 110/1 (2010), 58—65, here 59。
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