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2Ibid.
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3发生在1933年到1945年的针对犹太人的大迫害,以焚烧书籍开始暴行,以焚烧活人达到了邪恶的顶点。Holocaust指的就是这场灾难。但是Holocaust这个说法本身可能包含某种令犹太人不安的语义。Holocaust同时包含两层意思,一是启示性的大毁灭,一是圣经所说的燃烧的祭祀品,是为上神而作的牺牲。而后一层意思是否与“基督教对犹太历史的解读相一致”。见Sidra Ezrahi,By Words Alone:The Holocaust in Literature. Chicago:Chicago University Press,1980,p. 2。
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许多犹太人宁愿使用希伯莱文的shoah或意第绪文的hurban,这两个说法都没有来自希腊语的holocaust的那种肯定牺牲的语义。旧约语言的shoah指的是破坏、灾难和凄凉,在现代用法中更是指一种灾难性破坏,它从此根本改变了人对上帝、社会和人类看法。意第绪语的hurban也有这些含义,并兼指充满苦难和蹂躏的漫长历史。见S. Lillian Kremer,Witness through the Imagination. Detroit:Wayne State University Press,1989,p. 8。
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4“Nation Replies in Grim Fury to Jap Brutality to Prisoner.”Newsweek,February 7,1944,p. 19.
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5“Bonnell Denounces German Atrocities.”New York Times,April 23,1945,p. 12.
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6Alan Mintz,Popular Culture and the Shaping of Holocaust Memory in America. Seattle:University of Washington Press,2001,p. 17.
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7Ibid.,p. 18.
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8Elie Wiesel,Night.Trans. Stella Rodway;foreword by Francois Mauriac. New York:Hill and Wang,1958.维赛尔自己坚持说,他的《夜》不是小说,而是“自传历史”(autobiographic history)。见Graham B. Walker,Jr.“Transfiguration.”In Rosemary Horowitz,Elie Wiesel and the Art of Storytelling. Jefferson,NC:McFarland,2006,p. 156。维赛尔的《夜》1958年刚在美国出版时,并没有引起人们注意。这本书的题材和问题意识都有非常鲜明的犹太特征。它后来在美国产生巨大影响,是另一种意义上的普遍性认同。法恩(E. S. Fine)对此有很好的说明:“大屠杀对犹太人是一场大浩劫,对基督徒也是一样,因为基督教有漫长的排犹历史。大屠杀灾难因此牵动了整个西方文明。”Ellen S. Fine,The Legacy of Night:The Literary Universe of Elie Wiesel. Albany,NY:State University of New York Press,1982,p. xii。
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9Jeffery C. Alexander,“Toward a Theory of Cultural Trauma,”p. 12.
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10Hannah Arendt,Eichmann in Jerusalem:A Report on the Banality of Evil. New York:The Viking Press,1963.
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11D. E. Lipstadt,“America and the Memory of Holocaust,19501965.”Modern Judaism 16(1996):195214,pp. 196,212 note 54.
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12Michael Emery and Edwin Emery,The Press and America:An Interpretive History of the Mass Media.Seventh Edition. Englewood Cliffs,NJ:Prentice Hall,1992,p. 373.
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13Ibid.,Chapter 17. 丹尼尔·戴扬、伊莱休·卡茨:《媒介事件》,麻争旗译,北京广播学院出版社1992年版。
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14Murray Schumach,“Hollywood Trial,”New York Times,Sunday,April 30,1961,II 9:1.
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15Alan Mintz,Popular Culture and the Shaping of Holocaust Memory in America,pp. 9293.
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16志愿者所言引自Peter Novick,The Holocaust in American Life. New York:Houghton Mifflin,1999,p. 137。实验的详细专业介绍,见Arthur G. Miller,The Obedience Experiments:A Case Study of Controversy in Social Science. New York:Praeger,1986,pp. 115。
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Stanley Milgram,“Behavioral Study of Obedience.”Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 67(1963):pp. 371378.
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17Ann L. Saltzman,“The Role of the Obedience Experiment in Holocaust Studies. The Case for Renewed Visibility.”In Thomas Blass,ed.,Obedience to Authority:Current Perspectives on the Milgram Paradigm. Mahwah,N.J.:Lawrence Erlbaum Associates,Publishers,2000,p. 125.
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18Thomas Blass,The Man Who Shocked the World:The Life and Legacy of Stanley Milgram. New York:Basic Books,2004,pp. 268269,i.
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19Stanley Milgram,Obedience to Authority:An Experimental View. New York:Harper and Row,1974,p. 185.
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20Arthur G. Miller,The Obedience Experiments,pp. 181182.
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21Thomas F. Pettigrew,“The Man Who Shocked the World:The Life and Legacy of Stanley Milgram.”(Book Review)Social Forces 83:4(June 2005):17781779,p. 1779.
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22更多的例子见Thomas Blass,The Man Who Shocked the World,pp. 261263。
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灾难见证和公民运动
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1Alan Mintz,Popular Culture and the Shaping of Holocaust Memory in America. Seattle:University of Washington Press,2001,p. 109.
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