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(2) 关于城市的历史角色的讨论散见于Gramsci, A., Selections from Prison Notebooks, London, 1971；皮埃蒙特的重要性可参见Gramsci, A., Selections from Prison Notebooks, 1971; Selections from Political Writings 1910－1920, 1977。Gramsci的Selections from Political Writings 1981－1926 (London, 1978)一书对南方问题则进行了广泛的讨论。
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(3) R. Price的“The Labour Process and Labour History”（载Social History, 1983, Vol. 8, pp. 57－75）一文提出了类似的观点。
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(4) 对此的出色解释，参见Metzgar, J., “Plant Shutdowns and Worker Response: The Case of Johnstown, Pa.,” Socialist Review, 1980, Vol. 43, pp. 9－50。
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(5) Giddens, A., Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis, London, 1979; Giddens, A., A Contem porary Critique of Historical Materialism, Vol. 1: Power, Property and the State, London and Berkeley, 1981.
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(6) Bleitrach, D. and Chenu, A., L’usine et la Vie: Luttes Regionales, Paris, 1979; Bleitrach, D. and Chenu, A., “Modes of Domination and Everyday Life: Some Notes on Recent Research” in Harloe, M. and Lebas, E., eds., New Perspectives in Urban Change and Conflict, London, 1981, pp. 105－115. 关于1979年法文书籍的评论（英文），参见Coing, H., “Review of L’usine et la vie: lutes regionales,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 1981, Vol. 5, pp. 433－436; 以及E. Lebas的“Urban and Regional Sociology in Advanced Industrial Societies: A Decade of Marxist and Critical Perspectives”(Current Sociology, 1982, Vol. 30, no. 1, pp. 1－107)一文的讨论。
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(7) 关于这一点，参见Loubère, L., Radicalism in Mediterranean France, Albany, New York, 1974; Judt, T., Socialism in Provence, 1871－1914, Cambridge, 1979; Agulhon, M., The Republic in the Village: The people of the Var from the French Revolution to the Second Republic, Cambridge, 1982。
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(8) 例如，当与工资关系相符的流通对于建构工人日常生活可能具有某种重要性时，为何只考虑生产与消费呢？
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(9) 关于超出这个观点的讨论，参见Kreckel, R., “Unequal Opportunity Structure and Labour Market Segmentation,” Sociology, 1980, Vol. 14, pp. 267－550; Berger, S. and Piore, M., Dualism and Discontinuity in Industrial Societies, Cambridge, 1980; Cooke, P., “Labour Market Discontinuity and Spatial Development,” Media, Culture and Society, 1983, Vol. 2, pp. 297－312; Cooke, P., Theories of Planning and Spatial Development, London, 1983); Taylor, M. and Thrift, M., Capital, Location and Organisation。
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(10) 对这种论证的阐释，参见Harvey, D., The Limits of Capital, Oxford, 1982。
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(11) 参见Williams, J., “The Road to Tonypandy,” Llafur, 1973, Vol. 1, pp. 3－14; Williams, G., “Locating a Welsh Working Class: The Frontier Years” in Smith, D., ed., A People and Proletariat: Essays in the History of Wales 1780－1980, London, 1980, pp. 16－46。
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(12) 关于理论的讨论，参见Lazonick, W., “The Subjection of Labour to Capital: The Rise of the Capitialist System,” Review of Radical Political Economics, 1978, Vol. 10, pp. 1－31。
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(13) Littler，C.，“Deskilling and Changing Structures of Control” in Wood，S.，ed.，The Degradation of Work?; London，pp. 122-145.
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(14) Daunton成功地反驳了工作日的时间重组，关于这种反驳的细节，参见Daunton, M., “Down the Pit: Work in the Great Northern and South Wales Coalfields, 1870－1914,” Economic History Review, 1981, Vol. 34, pp. 578－597。
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(15) 关于英格兰东北部矿工的免租房，参见Daunton, M., “‘Miners’ houses: South Wales and the Great Northern Coalfield, 1880－1914,” International Review of Social History, 1980, Vol. 25, pp. 143－175; Daunton, M., “Down the Pit: Work in the Great Northern and South Wales Coalfields, 1870－1914,” Economic History Review, 1981, Vol. 34, pp. 578－597。
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(16) Daunton, M. “Down the pit: Work in the Great Northern and South Wales Coalfields, 1870－1914,” Economic History Review, 1981, Vol. 34, p. 579.
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(17) Morgan, K. O., Rebirth of a Nation: Wales 1880－1980, Oxford, 1982.
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(18) 对于承包制及其意义比较全面的论述，参见Cooke, P., “Class Relations and Uneven Development in Wales,” in Day, G. et al., Diversity and Decomposition in the Labour Market, Farnborough, 1982, pp. 150－151。
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(19) 参见Walters, R., “Capital Formation in the South Wales Coal Industry,” Welsh Historical Review, 1980, Vol. 10, pp. 69－92。
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(20) G. Williams的The Merthyr Rising (London, 1978)一书全面地描述了钢铁小镇梅瑟蒂德菲尔发生的演变成政治造反的骚乱。“苏格兰牛”以南蒙默思郡为基地，是一个尚未成形的地下工会运动，带有恐怖主义的色彩，不过在西威尔士社区超越法律的社区惩罚仪式中可以找到它的源头，参见Williams, G., The Welsh in their History, London, 1982, pp. 46－82。
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(21) K. Middlemass的Politics in Industrial Society: The Experience of the British System since 1911 (London, 1979)一书在对英国法团主义的研究中对此作了讨论，特别参见第14章。K. J. Morgan的The Politics of Regional Development (Cambridge, 1984)一书从非法团主义的视角探讨了战后威尔士发展重建政策的意义。
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(22) Cooke, P., “Class Relation and Uneven Development in Wales” in Day, G. et al., eds., Diversity and Decomposition in the Labour market, Farnborough, 1982, pp. 151－156.
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(23) Simth, D., “Tonypandy 1910: Definitions of Community,” Past and Present, 1980, Vol. 87, p. 161.
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(24) Macintyre, S., Little Moscows. Communism and Working-class Militancy in Inter-war Britain, London, 1980, p. 114.
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(25) 关于按照这些思路进行的更为一般的相关论证，参见Walby, S., “Women’s Unemployment: Some Spatial and Historixal Variations” in Murgatroyd, L., Savage, M., Shapiro, D., Urry, J., Walby, S. and Warde, A., Localities, Class and Gender, London, 1983。
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(26) 作为著名新教中心的地区，这个南威尔士的小地方在重工业中坚持雇佣女性，但这一做法并不仅限于此地。英格兰北部地区甚至马塞诸塞州的纺织业地区也是可以比较的例子。参见Dawley, A., Class and Community: The Industrial Revolution in Lynn, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1976; Joyce, P., Work, Society and Politics: The Culture of the Factory in Later Victorian England, Brighton, 1980; Hareven, T., Family Time and Industrial Time. The Relationship between the Family and Work in a New England Industrial Community, Cambridge, 1982。
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