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(18) H. G. Wells, Men Like Gods,引自Bourdieu, P. and Passeron, J., Reproduction in Education, Scoiety and Culture, 1977, p. 71。
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(19) 我们或许可以称之为“意识形态”。哈贝马斯的”Reply to My Critics”（载Thompson, J.B. and Held, D., eds., Habermas: Critical Debates, 1982, London, pp. 219－283）一文，在一种完全不同的语境中表述了类似的看法。
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(20) 当然，在这里必须警惕还原论。马克思主义者特别有过失，因为他们过于频繁地设定，资本主义经济与将劳动力划分为熟练与不熟练或合格与不合格具有直接的关联。Abercrmbie和Urry的Labour and the Middle Classes（1983，London）一书绝妙地批判了这种仍然在许多著作（例如，Carchedi,G., Problems in Class Analysis: Production, Knowledge and the Function of Capital, London, 1983）中明显存在的倾向。然而，已经有著作避免了这种倾向。
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(21) 例如，最明显的是哈贝马斯给出的合理性，还有D. Willer和J. Willer的Sytematic Empiricism: Critique of a Pseudoscience（Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1973）一书给出的合理性。
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(22) Hirst, P., “Witchcraft Today and Yestoday,” Economy and Society, 1982, Vol. 11, pp. 444－45.也见Hirst, P and Woolley, P., Social Relations and Human Attributes, London, 1982, ch. 14。
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(23) 参见Macfarlane, A., The Family Life of Ralph Josselin, a Seventeenth century Clergyman: An essay in Historical Anthropology, Cambridge, 1970, ch. 12。日记是可以利用的。参见Macfarlane, A., ed., The Diary of Ralph Josselin1616－1683, London, 1976。
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(24) Spufford, M., Small Books and Pleasant Histories: Popular Fiction and its Readership in Seventeenth-century England, London, 1981, p. 155.
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(25) Bourdieu, P., Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge, 1977, p. 79.
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(26) 因此，弗洛伊德的工作局限于在特定时间和地点运作的特定阶级。参见Fromm, E., The Greatness and Limitations of Freud’s Thought, London, 1981。但是,历史心理学现今在Elias的著作（The Civilizing Process, Oxford, 1978; State Formation and Civilization, Oxford, 1982）推动下获得越来越多的关注。
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(27) Neisser的实践知识定义是最佳定义。实践知识是：那种并不以系统了解支配自然和社会的规律为基础并且尽管从现实中获得却具有高度确定性的人类知识：例如，如何种地、如何制作简单工具、如何照看畜群以及如何打猎等（Neisser, H., On the Sociology of Knowledge, NewYork, 1965, p. 24）。但是我想对此定义补充一点：“社会互动知识”，尤其是在紧密结合的群体例如家庭中获得的这种知识。参见Kreckel, M., “Communicative Acts and Extralinguistic Knowledge” in von Cranach, M. and Harré, R., eds., The Analysis of Action: Recent Theoretical and Empirical Advances, London, 1982, pp. 267－308。
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(28) 参见Bourdieu，P., Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge, 1977。
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(29) Giddens, A., Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis, London and Berkeley, 1979; Giddens, A., A Contemporary Critiqueof Historical Materialism, Vol. 1: Power, Property and the State, London and Berkeley, 1981.
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(30) Jackson, M., “Thinking Through the Body: An essay on Understanding Metaphor,” mimeo, 1982, p. 16.
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(31) 参见De Schlippe,P., Shifting Cultivation in Africa: the Zande System of Agriculture, London, 1956; IDS Bulletin, “Rural Development: Whose Knowledge Counts?” Institute of Development Studies, 1979; Brokensha, D. W., Warren, D. M. and Werner, O., eds., Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Development, Lanham, Maryland, 1980。
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(32) Chapman, G. P., “The Folklore of the Perceived Environment in Bihar,” mimeo, 1983。请注意“信念”这个词如何自动地否认所思考的内容中没有任何真理。
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(33) 我打算在韦伯的意义上使用“合理化”这个概念。哈贝马斯绝妙地重构了韦伯的合理化理论，参见Habermas, J., Theorie des Kommunikativen Handelns, Frankfurt, 1982。
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(34) 参见Foucault, M., Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, London, 1977; Giddens, A., A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism, Vol: Power, Property and the State, London and Berkeley, 1981。
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(35) Kreckel, M., “Communicative Acts and Extralinguistic Knowledge” invon Cranach, M. and Harré, R., eds., The Analysis of Action: Recent Theoretical and Empirical Advances, London, 1982, pp. 267－308.
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(36) 我从Giddens那里借用了这个术语，Giddens用它指时空中的距离。
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(37) 尤其参见Goody, J. and Watt, I., “The Consequences of Literacy,” Comparative Studies in History and Sociology, Vol. 5, 1963, pp. 304－345; Goody, J., ed., Literacy in Traditional Societies, Cambridge, 1968; Goody, J., The Domestication of the Savage Mine, Cambridge, 1977; Ginzburg, C., “Morelli, Freud and Sherlock Holmes: Clues and Scientific Method,” History Workshop Journal, 1980, Vol. 9, pp. 5―36; Giddens, A., A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism, Vol. 1: Power, Property and the State, London and Berkeley, 1981。
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(38) Goody, J., “Restricted Literacyin Northern Ghana” in Goody, J., ed., Literacy in Traditional Societies, Cambridge, 1968, pp. 198－264; Tambiah, S.J., “Lieracy in a Buddhist Village in N. E. Thailand” in Goody, J., ed., Literacy in Traditional Societies, Cambridge, 1968, pp. 85－131; Clanchy, M. T., From Memory to Written Record: England 1066－1307, London, 1979。这些实践素养系统的形式和范围并不应该被低估。例如，在英国：到爱德华一世统治时期，农奴已经使用印章签名，并且他们用书面方式记录财产交易。因此，（按照12世纪Fitz Neal的观点）当地人（原住民和农奴）原本认为英国土地志（Domesday Book）是最后判决（Last Judgement）；但到14世纪时，他们已经有了自己的特许权登记簿（Cartae Nativorum）（Clanchy, M. T., From Memory to Written Record: England 1066－1307, London, 1979, p. 259）。
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(39) 这特别是指时间施加的限制。因此在12世纪和13世纪的英国，随着抄写员的业务压力越来越大，草书开始广泛使用。Clanchy, M. T., From Memory to Written Record: England 1066－1307, London, 1979.
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(40) Eisenstein, E. L. The Printing Pressas an Agent of Change: Communications and cultural transformations inearlymod ern Europe, Cambridge, 1979, p. 518.
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(41) 以下的探讨吸收利用了这些著作：Chaytor, H.J., From Script to Print, Cambridge, 1945; Febvre, L. and Martin, H.J., The Coming of the Book: the Impact of Printing 1450－1800, London, 1976; Hirst, P and Woolley, P., Social Relations and Human Attributes, London, 1982；尤其是Eisenstein, E. L. The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and cultural transformations in early modern Europe, Cambridge, 1979, ch. 2（当然，印刷术所产生的效应远不止文中所罗列的这些。例如，笔者的想法就可以追溯到这项发明）。将这里列出的四种特征与Lane的”The Decline of Politics and Ideologyin a Knowledgeable Society”（载American Sociological Review, 1966, Vol. 31,pp. 649－662）一文第653页到657页中列出的“知识社会”（knowledgeable society）的那些特征进行比较将是一项有价值的工作。
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(42) 参见Lane的论文”The Decline of Politics and Ideology in a Knowledgeable Society”（载American Sociological Review, 1966, Vol. 31, pp. 649－662）和Ginzburg的论文“Morelli, Freud and Sherlock Holmes: Clues and Scientific Method”（载History Workshop Journal, 1980, Vol. 9, pp. 5－36）中关于职业的评论。
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