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(43) Kuhn的The Structure of Scientific Revolutions（2nd edn）（Chicago, 1970）一书第5页将常规科学比作是“一种迫使自然进入职业教育提供的概念盒子之中的积极且忠实的企图”。
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(44) Barnes, B., T. S. Kuhn and Social Science, London, 1982, p. 10.
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1702362575
(45) Sohn-Rethel的Intellectual and Manual Labour：A Critique of Epistemology (London, 1978)一书认为抽象思想源于商品交换的实践。虽然这种观点在一定程度上反映了实际情况，但是我仍然坚信它是某种类似于整体解释的东西。
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(46) 因此，许多人都不能获得这种知识。参见Steiner的著作On difficulty and Other Essays（Oxford, 1978）中关于书之死亡（death of thebook）的论述。
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(47) Lane, R. A., “The Decline of Politics and Ideology in a Knowledgeable Society,” American Sociological Review Vol. 31, 1966, p. 654.
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1702362581
(48) Lakoff, G., and Johnson, M., Metaphors We Live By, Chicago, 1980; Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R. and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, Ideology and Politics: Essays for Eric Hobsbawm, London, 1982, pp. 176－193.
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(49) Bernal, J.D., Science in History, London, 1965, p. 40.
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(50) 我们不应该认为，魔法现在仅仅存在于发展中国家：参见Favret-Saada的Deadly Words: Witchcraft in the Bocage (Cambridge, 1980)一书关于法国西部博卡什（Bocage）地区的论述。Hirst的“Witchcraft Today and Yestoday”（载Economy and Society, 1982, pp. 428－448）一文指出，魔法形式与社群的空间布局有密切的关联。例如，博卡什地区的魔法形式依赖于小家族企业、固定的住所和家族—父权关系。这种魔法在工厂中就不起作用。
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(51) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R. and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, Ideology and Politics: Essays for Eric Hobsbawm, London, 1982, p. 176.关于“巫师”，参见Burke, P., Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe, London, 1978。
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(52) Yates, F.A., Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition, London, 1964.也见Yates, F.A., The Rosicrucian Enlightenment, London, 1972; Yates, F. A., The Occult Philosophy in the Elizabethan Age, London, 1979。
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(53) Rattansi, P．M., “Some Evaluations of Reason in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-century Natural Philosophy” in Young, R．M．and Teich, M., eds., Changing Perspective in the Historiography of Science, London, 1973, pp．146—166; Righini Bonelli, R．M．and Shea, W．R., eds., Reason, ExperimentandMysticismintheScientificRevolution, London, 1975; Webster, C., FromParacelsustoNewton: MagicandtheMakingofModernScience, Cambridge, 1982.
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(54) Yates, F．A., GiordanoBrunoandtheHermeticTradition, London, 1964．
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(55) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R．and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, IdeologyandPolitics: EssaysforEricHobsbawm, London, 1982, p．177．
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(56) Webster, C., FromParacelsustoNewton: MagicandtheMakingofModernScience, Cambridge, 1982．
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1702362599
(57) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R．and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, IdeologyandPolitics: EssaysforEricHobsbawm, London, 1982, p．177.
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1702362601
(58) French, P．J., JohnDee: theWorldofanElizabethanMagus, London, 1972, p．109.
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1702362603
(59) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R．and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, IdeologyandPolitics: EssaysforEricHobsbawm, London, 1982, p．191.
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(60) Ginzburg, C., “Morelli, Freud and Sherlock Holmes: Clues and Scientific Method,” HistoryWorkshopJournal, 1980b, Vol．9, pp．26—27.
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1702362607
(61) Thomas, K., ReligionandtheDeclineofMagic: StudiesinPopularBeliefsinSixteenth- andSeventeenth-centuryEngland, London, 1971, p．799.
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(62) Thomas, K., ReligionandtheDeclineofMagic: StudiesinPopularBeliefsinSixteenth- andSeventeenth-centuryEngland, London, 1971, p．800.
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(63) Febvre, L．and Martin, H．J., TheComingoftheBook: theImpactofPrinting 1450—1800, London, 1976.
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(64) 参见Mandrou, R., DelaCulturePopulaireaux 17eet 18e siècles, Paris, 1964; Bollème, G., ed., LaBibliothèqueBleue: laLittératurePopulaireenFrancedu Ⅹ ⅥeauXIXe siècle, Pairs, 1971; Burke, P., PopularCultureinEarly Modern Europe, London, 1978; 以及Martin的论文”The Bibliothèque Bleue: Literature for the masses in the AncienRégime“（载PublishingHistory, 1978, Vol．3, pp．70—102）中给出的评论。
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(65) 参见Neuberg, V．E., PopularLiterature: AHistoryandGuide, Harmond-sworth, 1977; Burke, P., PopularCultureinEarlyModernEurope, London, 1978; Spufford, M., SmallBooksandPleasantHistories: PopularFictionanditsReadershipinSeventeenth – centuryEngland, London, 1981。
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(66) Spufford, M., SmallBooksandPleasantHistories: PopularFictionanditsReadershipinSeventeenth-centuryEngland, London, 1981, p．xviii.
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(67) Spufford, M., SmallBooksandPleasantHistories: PopularFictionanditsReadershipinSeventeenth-centuryEngland, London, 1981, pp．36—37。由于建基于不完全知识，这个结论当然是有争议的，但是我确信它是正确的。也见Spufford, M., “First Steps in Literacy: The Reading and Writing Experiences of the Humblest Seventeenth-century Autobiographers,” SocialHitory, 1979, Vol．4, pp．407—435; Schofield, R．S., “The Measurement of Literacy in pre-industrial England” in Goody, J., ed., LiteracyinTraditionalSocieties, Cambridge, 1968, pp．318—325; Schofield, R．S., “Dimensions of Illiteracy 1750—1850,” ExplorationsinEconomicHistory, 1973, Vol．10, pp．437—454; Cressy, D., LiteracyandtheSocialOrder: ReadingandWritingin TudorandStuartEngland,Cambridge,1980。
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