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(8) 这个源自Schutz和Luckmann著述中的术语（参见Schutz,A., Collected Papers VoL. 1: The Problems of Social Reality, The Hague, 1962; Schutz, A. and Luckmann, T., The Structures of the Life-world, Evanston, Illinois, 1973; Berger, P. L. and Luckmann, T., The Social Construction of Reality: a Treatise in the Sociology of Knowled , Garden City, 1967; Luckmann, T., “Individual Action and Social Knowledge” in von Cranach, M. and Harré, R., eds., The Analysis of Action: Recent Theoretical and Empirical Advance, London, 1982, pp. 247－265）还是有用的，虽然他们的著作有不足之处。尤其令人遗憾的是，Schutz倾向于将社会世界还原为知识库。参见Hindess,B., Philosophy and Methodology in the Social Sciences, Brighton, 1977, ch. 2；以及Abercrombie，N., Class，Structure and Knowledge, Oxford, 1980。前者有一种与Schutz针锋相对的观点，后者却比较赞同Schutz的看法。
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(9) 我想在使用这一术语时使其不牵涉一系列完全独立自足的（self-contained）领域以及相对主义。参见Giddens，A., New Rules of Sociological Method, London, 1976，p. 18.
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(10) 参见Giddens, A., New Rules of Sociological Method, London, 1976; Giddens, A., Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis, London and Berkeley, 1979; Giddens, A., A Contem porary Critique of Historical Materialism, Vol. 1: Power, Property and the State, London and Berkeley, 1981; Bhaskar, R., The Possibility of Naturalism: a Philosophical Critique of the Contem porary Human Sciences, Brighton, 1979; Bhaskar, R., “Scientific Explanation and Human Emancipation,” Radical Philosophy, 1980, Vol. 26, pp. 16－28; Bourdieu, P., Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge, 1977; Abrams, P., Historical Sociology, Shepton Mallet, 1982; Elisa, N., The Civilizing Process, Oxford, 1978; Elisa, N., State Formation and Civilization, Oxford, 1982。
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(11) 参见Thrift, N., “On the Determination of Social Action in Space and Time,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 1983, Vol. 1, pp. 23－57；由于我们对人类创造力知之甚少，我随后的表述会极大地偏向识知（knowing）的消极面。
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(12) “习性”这一术语取自Bourdieu, P., Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge, 1977，它是指任一社会群体的认知结构，这一结构是应对特定客观条件的临时实践的沉积历史，而这一历史又趋向于再生产这些条件。
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(13) 在现代社会中，像书籍或电视这样的媒体也许会使这幅图变得更加复杂，但是没有使情况出现根本改变。其实，我们也许可以认为，从知识可交流性（communicability）的角度看，这些媒体同人类行动者具有一些共同的性质。
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(14) Urry, J., The Anatomy of Capitalist Societies: The Economy, Civil Society and theState, London, 1981, p. 70.
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(15) Thrift, N., “Limits to Knowledge in Social Theory: Towards a Theory of Practice,” Department of Human Geography, Australian National University, Seminar paper, 1979; Thrift, N., “On the Determination of Social Action in Space and Time, ” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 1983，Vol. 1, pp. 23－57; Thrift, N. and Pred, A., “Time-geography: A New Beginning,” Progress in Human Geography, 1981, Vol. 5, pp. 277－286.
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(16) 当然，直至人类历史发展到晚近阶段，人类社会仍然常常被相互隔离开来。例如，像中国这样的国家几乎自成一个世界，缺乏外界的影响或知识。
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(17) Castoriadis, C., History and Revolution, London, 1971, p. 217.
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(18) H. G. Wells, Men Like Gods,引自Bourdieu, P. and Passeron, J., Reproduction in Education, Scoiety and Culture, 1977, p. 71。
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(19) 我们或许可以称之为“意识形态”。哈贝马斯的”Reply to My Critics”（载Thompson, J.B. and Held, D., eds., Habermas: Critical Debates, 1982, London, pp. 219－283）一文，在一种完全不同的语境中表述了类似的看法。
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(20) 当然，在这里必须警惕还原论。马克思主义者特别有过失，因为他们过于频繁地设定，资本主义经济与将劳动力划分为熟练与不熟练或合格与不合格具有直接的关联。Abercrmbie和Urry的Labour and the Middle Classes（1983，London）一书绝妙地批判了这种仍然在许多著作（例如，Carchedi,G., Problems in Class Analysis: Production, Knowledge and the Function of Capital, London, 1983）中明显存在的倾向。然而，已经有著作避免了这种倾向。
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(21) 例如，最明显的是哈贝马斯给出的合理性，还有D. Willer和J. Willer的Sytematic Empiricism: Critique of a Pseudoscience（Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1973）一书给出的合理性。
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(22) Hirst, P., “Witchcraft Today and Yestoday,” Economy and Society, 1982, Vol. 11, pp. 444－45.也见Hirst, P and Woolley, P., Social Relations and Human Attributes, London, 1982, ch. 14。
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(23) 参见Macfarlane, A., The Family Life of Ralph Josselin, a Seventeenth century Clergyman: An essay in Historical Anthropology, Cambridge, 1970, ch. 12。日记是可以利用的。参见Macfarlane, A., ed., The Diary of Ralph Josselin1616－1683, London, 1976。
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(24) Spufford, M., Small Books and Pleasant Histories: Popular Fiction and its Readership in Seventeenth-century England, London, 1981, p. 155.
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(25) Bourdieu, P., Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge, 1977, p. 79.
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(26) 因此，弗洛伊德的工作局限于在特定时间和地点运作的特定阶级。参见Fromm, E., The Greatness and Limitations of Freud’s Thought, London, 1981。但是,历史心理学现今在Elias的著作（The Civilizing Process, Oxford, 1978; State Formation and Civilization, Oxford, 1982）推动下获得越来越多的关注。
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(27) Neisser的实践知识定义是最佳定义。实践知识是：那种并不以系统了解支配自然和社会的规律为基础并且尽管从现实中获得却具有高度确定性的人类知识：例如，如何种地、如何制作简单工具、如何照看畜群以及如何打猎等（Neisser, H., On the Sociology of Knowledge, NewYork, 1965, p. 24）。但是我想对此定义补充一点：“社会互动知识”，尤其是在紧密结合的群体例如家庭中获得的这种知识。参见Kreckel, M., “Communicative Acts and Extralinguistic Knowledge” in von Cranach, M. and Harré, R., eds., The Analysis of Action: Recent Theoretical and Empirical Advances, London, 1982, pp. 267－308。
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(28) 参见Bourdieu，P., Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge, 1977。
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(29) Giddens, A., Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis, London and Berkeley, 1979; Giddens, A., A Contemporary Critiqueof Historical Materialism, Vol. 1: Power, Property and the State, London and Berkeley, 1981.
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(30) Jackson, M., “Thinking Through the Body: An essay on Understanding Metaphor,” mimeo, 1982, p. 16.
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(31) 参见De Schlippe,P., Shifting Cultivation in Africa: the Zande System of Agriculture, London, 1956; IDS Bulletin, “Rural Development: Whose Knowledge Counts?” Institute of Development Studies, 1979; Brokensha, D. W., Warren, D. M. and Werner, O., eds., Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Development, Lanham, Maryland, 1980。
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(32) Chapman, G. P., “The Folklore of the Perceived Environment in Bihar,” mimeo, 1983。请注意“信念”这个词如何自动地否认所思考的内容中没有任何真理。
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