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(33) 我打算在韦伯的意义上使用“合理化”这个概念。哈贝马斯绝妙地重构了韦伯的合理化理论，参见Habermas, J., Theorie des Kommunikativen Handelns, Frankfurt, 1982。
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(34) 参见Foucault, M., Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, London, 1977; Giddens, A., A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism, Vol: Power, Property and the State, London and Berkeley, 1981。
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(35) Kreckel, M., “Communicative Acts and Extralinguistic Knowledge” invon Cranach, M. and Harré, R., eds., The Analysis of Action: Recent Theoretical and Empirical Advances, London, 1982, pp. 267－308.
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(36) 我从Giddens那里借用了这个术语，Giddens用它指时空中的距离。
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(37) 尤其参见Goody, J. and Watt, I., “The Consequences of Literacy,” Comparative Studies in History and Sociology, Vol. 5, 1963, pp. 304－345; Goody, J., ed., Literacy in Traditional Societies, Cambridge, 1968; Goody, J., The Domestication of the Savage Mine, Cambridge, 1977; Ginzburg, C., “Morelli, Freud and Sherlock Holmes: Clues and Scientific Method,” History Workshop Journal, 1980, Vol. 9, pp. 5―36; Giddens, A., A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism, Vol. 1: Power, Property and the State, London and Berkeley, 1981。
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(38) Goody, J., “Restricted Literacyin Northern Ghana” in Goody, J., ed., Literacy in Traditional Societies, Cambridge, 1968, pp. 198－264; Tambiah, S.J., “Lieracy in a Buddhist Village in N. E. Thailand” in Goody, J., ed., Literacy in Traditional Societies, Cambridge, 1968, pp. 85－131; Clanchy, M. T., From Memory to Written Record: England 1066－1307, London, 1979。这些实践素养系统的形式和范围并不应该被低估。例如，在英国：到爱德华一世统治时期，农奴已经使用印章签名，并且他们用书面方式记录财产交易。因此，（按照12世纪Fitz Neal的观点）当地人（原住民和农奴）原本认为英国土地志（Domesday Book）是最后判决（Last Judgement）；但到14世纪时，他们已经有了自己的特许权登记簿（Cartae Nativorum）（Clanchy, M. T., From Memory to Written Record: England 1066－1307, London, 1979, p. 259）。
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(39) 这特别是指时间施加的限制。因此在12世纪和13世纪的英国，随着抄写员的业务压力越来越大，草书开始广泛使用。Clanchy, M. T., From Memory to Written Record: England 1066－1307, London, 1979.
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(40) Eisenstein, E. L. The Printing Pressas an Agent of Change: Communications and cultural transformations inearlymod ern Europe, Cambridge, 1979, p. 518.
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(41) 以下的探讨吸收利用了这些著作：Chaytor, H.J., From Script to Print, Cambridge, 1945; Febvre, L. and Martin, H.J., The Coming of the Book: the Impact of Printing 1450－1800, London, 1976; Hirst, P and Woolley, P., Social Relations and Human Attributes, London, 1982；尤其是Eisenstein, E. L. The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and cultural transformations in early modern Europe, Cambridge, 1979, ch. 2（当然，印刷术所产生的效应远不止文中所罗列的这些。例如，笔者的想法就可以追溯到这项发明）。将这里列出的四种特征与Lane的”The Decline of Politics and Ideologyin a Knowledgeable Society”（载American Sociological Review, 1966, Vol. 31,pp. 649－662）一文第653页到657页中列出的“知识社会”（knowledgeable society）的那些特征进行比较将是一项有价值的工作。
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(42) 参见Lane的论文”The Decline of Politics and Ideology in a Knowledgeable Society”（载American Sociological Review, 1966, Vol. 31, pp. 649－662）和Ginzburg的论文“Morelli, Freud and Sherlock Holmes: Clues and Scientific Method”（载History Workshop Journal, 1980, Vol. 9, pp. 5－36）中关于职业的评论。
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(43) Kuhn的The Structure of Scientific Revolutions（2nd edn）（Chicago, 1970）一书第5页将常规科学比作是“一种迫使自然进入职业教育提供的概念盒子之中的积极且忠实的企图”。
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(44) Barnes, B., T. S. Kuhn and Social Science, London, 1982, p. 10.
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(45) Sohn-Rethel的Intellectual and Manual Labour：A Critique of Epistemology (London, 1978)一书认为抽象思想源于商品交换的实践。虽然这种观点在一定程度上反映了实际情况，但是我仍然坚信它是某种类似于整体解释的东西。
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(46) 因此，许多人都不能获得这种知识。参见Steiner的著作On difficulty and Other Essays（Oxford, 1978）中关于书之死亡（death of thebook）的论述。
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(47) Lane, R. A., “The Decline of Politics and Ideology in a Knowledgeable Society,” American Sociological Review Vol. 31, 1966, p. 654.
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1702362581
(48) Lakoff, G., and Johnson, M., Metaphors We Live By, Chicago, 1980; Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R. and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, Ideology and Politics: Essays for Eric Hobsbawm, London, 1982, pp. 176－193.
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(49) Bernal, J.D., Science in History, London, 1965, p. 40.
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(50) 我们不应该认为，魔法现在仅仅存在于发展中国家：参见Favret-Saada的Deadly Words: Witchcraft in the Bocage (Cambridge, 1980)一书关于法国西部博卡什（Bocage）地区的论述。Hirst的“Witchcraft Today and Yestoday”（载Economy and Society, 1982, pp. 428－448）一文指出，魔法形式与社群的空间布局有密切的关联。例如，博卡什地区的魔法形式依赖于小家族企业、固定的住所和家族—父权关系。这种魔法在工厂中就不起作用。
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(51) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R. and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, Ideology and Politics: Essays for Eric Hobsbawm, London, 1982, p. 176.关于“巫师”，参见Burke, P., Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe, London, 1978。
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(52) Yates, F.A., Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition, London, 1964.也见Yates, F.A., The Rosicrucian Enlightenment, London, 1972; Yates, F. A., The Occult Philosophy in the Elizabethan Age, London, 1979。
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(53) Rattansi, P．M., “Some Evaluations of Reason in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-century Natural Philosophy” in Young, R．M．and Teich, M., eds., Changing Perspective in the Historiography of Science, London, 1973, pp．146—166; Righini Bonelli, R．M．and Shea, W．R., eds., Reason, ExperimentandMysticismintheScientificRevolution, London, 1975; Webster, C., FromParacelsustoNewton: MagicandtheMakingofModernScience, Cambridge, 1982.
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(54) Yates, F．A., GiordanoBrunoandtheHermeticTradition, London, 1964．
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(55) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R．and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, IdeologyandPolitics: EssaysforEricHobsbawm, London, 1982, p．177．
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(56) Webster, C., FromParacelsustoNewton: MagicandtheMakingofModernScience, Cambridge, 1982．
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(57) Hill, C., “Science and Magic in Seventeenth-century England” in Samuel, R．and Stedman Jones, G., eds., Culture, IdeologyandPolitics: EssaysforEricHobsbawm, London, 1982, p．177.
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