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[15]Ibid.
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[16]Ibid., 3.
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[17]Ibid., 6, 8.
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[18]Ibid., 2—10.
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[19]Joseph S.Nye Jr., “The Future of American Power: Dominance and Decline in Perspective,” Foreign Affairs 89, no.6 (2010): 3.
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[20]Ibid.
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[21]Ibid.
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[22]George Friedman, The Coming War with Japan (New York: St. Martins, 1991).
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[23]参见Christopher Layne, “The Waning of US Hegemony—Myth or Reality? A Review Essay,” International Security 34, no.1 (2009): 147—172,尤其是第148页;Aaron L.Freidberg, “The Future of US-China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable?” International Security 30, no.2 (2005): 7—45; John J.Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, 400; Michael H.Hunt, The American Ascendancy: How the United States Gained and Wielded Global Dominance (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 322; Michael Cox, “Is the United States in Decline—Again? An Essay,” International Affairs 83, no.4 (2007): 261—276; Fareed Zakaria, The Post-American World (London: Allen Lane, 2008)。
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[24]Hunt, American Ascendancy, 322; Cox, “Is the United States in Decline—Again?”; Zakaria, The Post-American World.
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[25]US National Security Council, US National Security Strategy 2010, http: //www.whitehouse.gov/nscnss/2010, 43 (accessed 25 February 2013).
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[26]Hunt, American Ascendancy, 322; Inderjeet Parmar and Michael Cox, eds., Soft Power and US Foreign Policy; Theoretical, Historical and Contemporary Perspectives (Abingdon, England: Routledge, 2010).
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[27]Michael Mandelbaum, The Frugal Superpower: America’s Global Leadership in a Cash-Strapped Era (Philadelphia, Public Affairs, 2010): 3—8; Roger C.Altman and Richard N.Haass, “American Profligacy and American Power,” Foreign Affairs 89, no.6 (2010): 25—34.
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[28]Michael Dobbs and John M.Goshko, “Albright’s Personal Odyssey Shaped Foreign Policy Beliefs,” Washington Post, 6 December 1996;马德琳·K.奥尔布赖特(Madeleine K.Albright)于1998年2月19日接受《马特·劳尔每日秀》的采访,Daniel Deudney and G.John Ikenberry, Democratic Internationalism: An American Grand Strategy for a Post-Exceptionalist Era (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 2012), 1。
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[29]G.John Ikenberry, Michael Mastanduno, and William Wohlforth, eds., Unipolarity and International Relations Theory (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011); G.John Ikenberry and Joseph Grieco, State Power and World Markets: The International Political Economy (New York: Norton, 2003); G.John Ikenberry and Michael Mastanduno, eds., International Relations Theory and the Asia-Pacific (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003); G.John Ikenberry, David A.Lake, and Michael Mastanduno, eds., The State and American Foreign Economic Policy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1988); G.John Ikenberry and Charles A.Kupchan, “Socialization and Hegemonic Power,” International Organization 44, no.3 (1990): 283—315; Stephen G.Brooks, G.John Ikenberry, and William C.Wohlforth, “Don’t Come Home, America: The Case against Retrenchment,” International Security 37, no.3 (2012/13): 7—51.
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[30]Brooks, Ikenberry, and Wohlforth, “Don’t Come Home, America,” 12.
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[31]Geir Lundstadt, The American “Empire” (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990); Charles S.Maier, “Alliance and Autonomy: European Identity and US Foreign Policy Objectives in the Truman Years,” in Michael Lacey, ed., The Truman Presidency (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 273—298; John Lewis Gaddis, We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); Thomas F.Madden, Empires of Trust: How Rome Built—and America Is Building—a New World (London: Plume, 2009).
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[32]Ikenberry, Liberal Leviathan, 10.
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[33]Walden Bellow, Dilemmas of Domination: The Unmaking of the American Empire (New York: Metropolitan, 2005); Chalmers Johnson, Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of the American Empire (London: Time Warner, 2002); Chalmers Johnson, Dismantling the Empire: America’s Last Best Hope (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2010).有关美国对欧洲内政的干预,参见Tony Judt, Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945 (New York: Penguin, 2005); Michael Cox and Caroline Kennedy-Pipes, “The Tragedy of American Diplomacy? Rethinking the Marshall Plan,” Journal of Cold War Studies 7, no.1 (2005): 97—134; Michael J.Hogan, The Marshall Plan: America, Britain and the Reconstruction of Western Europe, 1947—1952 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Alan Milward, The Reconstruction of Western Europe, 1945—1951 (London: Methuen, 1984); William Appleman Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy (New York: Norton, 1988)。
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[34]关于全球参与的各种路径,比如偏重实用主义、意识形态偏弱的外交政策路径典范,参见Steven Weber and Bruce W.Jentleson, The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010)。
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[35]Angus Maddison, Monitoring the World Economy, 1820—1992 (Paris: Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 1995).即便是霸权稳定论的著名倡导者罗伯特·吉尔平也承认,美国的全球主导地位正在逝去;参见Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987): 173—175。
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[36]关于这一点,可参见Charles P.Kindleberger, “Dominance and Leadership in the International Economy: Exploitation, Public Goods, and Free Rides,” International Studies Quarterly 25, no.2 (1981): 242, 248; Simon Reich, Restraining Trade to Invoke Investment: MITI and the Japanese Auto Producers: Case Studies in International Negotiation (Washington, DC: Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 2002)。
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[37]Andrew Mack, “The Changing Face of Global Violence (Part 1),” in The Human Security Report 2005 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), http: //www.humansecurity report.info/HSR2005_PDF/Part1.pdf (accessed 5 February 2013).
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[38]Steve Schifferes, “US Names Coalition of the Willing,” BBC News, 18 March 2003, http: //news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/2862343.stm (accessed 5 February 2013); “Biggest Threat to Peace,”Time Europe, 2 June 2003, http: //www.time.com/time/europe/gdml/peace2003.html.
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[39]Pew Global Attitudes Project, “America’s Image Slips, but Allies Share US Concerns over Iran, Hamas,” 13 June 2006, http: //www.pewglobal.org/2006/06/13/americas-image-slips-but-allies-share-us-concerns-over-iran-hamas (accessed 25 February 2013).
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