打字猴:1.703369557e+09
1703369557
1703369558 [18] C.C. Wrigley,“The Christian Revolution in Buganda,”Comparative Studies in Society and History,2 (Oct.1959),48.
1703369559
1703369560 [19] 见Lewis,Emergence of Modern Turkey,pp. 137—156。
1703369561
1703369562 [20] Palmer,Democratic Revolution,Ⅰ ,381.
1703369563
1703369564 [21] Lloyd Fallers,“Despotism,Status Culture and Social Mobility in an African Community,”Comparative Studies in Society and History,2 (1959),30.
1703369565
1703369566 [22] Mosca,p. 81.
1703369567
1703369568 [23] 见本书第二章。
1703369569
1703369570 [24] Edwin O. Reischauer,The United States and Japan (rev. ed. Cambridge,Mass.,Harvard University Press,1957),p. 157.
1703369571
1703369572 [25] William W. Lockwood,“Japan’s Response to the West:The Contrast with China,”World Politics,9 (1956),38—41.
1703369573
1703369574 [26] Edwin O. Reischauer and John K. Fairbank,East Asia:The Great Tradition (Boston,Houghton Mifflin,1960),pp. 672—673. 罗伯特·T.霍尔特(Robert T. Holt)和约翰·E.特纳(John E. Turner)用类似的分析方法试图解释为什么英国和日本经济发展较快,而法国和中国经济发展较慢。见Robert T. Holt and John E. Turner,The Political Basis of Economic Development (Princeton,N.J.,Van Nostrand,1966),passim,but esp. pp. 233—291。
1703369575
1703369576 [27] 卢安达(Ruanda)即今卢旺达,乌隆迪(Urundi)即今布隆迪。两国于1962年独立后,分别改用现名。——译者注
1703369577
1703369578 [28] Albert,pp. 54—60. 另可见René Lemarcbhand,“Political Instability in Africa:The Case of Rwanda and Burundi”(unpublished paper),p. 34。关于卢旺达传统制度的一般性论述见Jacques,Maquet,The Premise of Inequality in Ruanda (London,Oxford University Press,1961)。
1703369579
1703369580 [29] Albert,pp. 66—67,71—73.
1703369581
1703369582 [30] New York Times,January 22,1964,p. 2,Feb. 9,1964,p. 1;Newsweek,63(Feb.24,1964),51.
1703369583
1703369584 [31] Lemarchand,“Political Instability,”p. 18.
1703369585
1703369586 [32] René Lemarchand,“Social Change and Political Modernization in Burundi”(paper prepared for Annual Meeting,African Studies Association,October 24—26,1966),pp. 43—44.
1703369587
1703369588 [33] 这里,有趣的是特德·格尔(Ted Gurr)关于119个政体在1961—1963年期间发生内乱的预测。他主要是用衡量国家的统一、社会动员、经济发展、政府对经济的渗透和内部军事保安部队等29个因素来进行推算。对于99个政体来说,他的预测很不错。但对我们这里讨论的2个中非国家则不准。在这119个政体中,暴力事件超出预测的是卢旺达;在布隆迪则相反,暴力事件则大大低于预测。这种偏差可以通过两个地区不同的社会—政治权威结构来解释。见Ted Gurr with Charles Ruttenberg,The Conditions of Civi,Violence:First Tests of a Causal Model (Princeton,Princeton University,Center of International Studies,Research Monograph No. 28,1967),pp. 100—106。
1703369589
1703369590 [34] Fred G. Burke,Local Government and Politics in Uganda (Syracuse,N.Y.,Syracuse University Press,1964),p. 124.
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1703369592 [35] Apter,Modernization ,p. 114 n.
1703369593
1703369594 [36] David E. Apter,“The Role of Traditionalism in the Political Modernization of Ghana and Uganda,”World Politics,13 (1960),48.
1703369595
1703369596 [37] Apter,Modernization ,p. 99.
1703369597
1703369598 [38] Aristotle,Politics ,pp. 243—244;Douglas H. Mendel,Jr.,“Japan as a Model for Developing Nations”(paper prepared for Annual Meeting,American Political Science Association,September 8,1965),pp. 8—9.
1703369599
1703369600 [39] Claire Sterling,“Can Dr. Amini Save Iran?”The Reporter,30 (August 17,1961),36.
1703369601
1703369602 [40] 引自Donald N. Wilber,Contemporary Iran (New York,Praeger,1963),p. 126。
1703369603
1703369604 [41] 引自I. William Zartman,Destiny of a Dynasty:The Search for Institutions in Morccco’s Developing Society (Columbia,S.C.,University of South Carolina Press,1964),p. 17。
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1703369606 [42] Zartman,pp. 60—61.
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