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[3] Morris Janowitz,The Military in the Political Development of New Nations (Chićago,University of Chicago Press,1964),pp. 1,27—29.
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[4] 见David Rapoport,“A Comparative Theory of Military and Political Types,”in Huntington,ed.,Changing Patterns of Military Politics ,pp. 71—100,以及Rapoport,“Praetorianism:Government Without Consensus,”passim。亦可见阿莫斯·珀尔玛(Amos Perlmutter)有关军事干预的独立研究,该研究的观点与本章有共鸣之处:“The Praetorian State and the Praetorian Army:Towards a Theory of Civil-Military Relations in Developing Politics”(unpublished paper,Institute of International Studies,University of California〔Berkeley〕)。
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[5] 见Bruce H. Millen,The Political Role of Labor in Developing Countries (Washington,D.C.,The Brookings Institution,1963);Sidney C. Sufrin,Unions in Emerging Societies:Frustration and Politics (Syracuse,Syracuse University Press,1964);Edward Shils,“The Intellectuals in the Political Development of the New States”,World Politics,12 (April 1960),pp. 329—368;Seymour Martin Lipset,ed.,“Student Politics,”special issue of Comparative Education Review,10 (June 1966);Donald Eugene Smith,Religion and Politics in Burma (Princeton,Princeton University Press,1965);Fredrick B. Pike,The Conflict between Church and State in Latin America (New York,Alfred A. Knopf,1964):Robert Bellah,ed.,Religion and Progress in Modern Asia (New York,Free Press,1965);Ivan Vallier,“Religious Elites in Latin America:Catholicism Leadership and Social Change,”America Latina,8 (1965),93—114。
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[6] 转引自Dankwart A. Rustow,A World of Nations (Washington. D.C.,Brookings Institution,1967),p. 170。
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[7] Richard M. Morse,“The Heritage of Latin America,”in Louis Hartz,ed.,The Founding of New Societies (New York,Harcourt,Brace and World,1964),p. 161.
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[8] 见Huntington,Changing Patterns ,pp. 32 ff。
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[9] 见Caractacus,Revolution in Iraq (London,Victor Gollancz,1959);Patrick Seale,The Struggle for Syria A Study of Post-War Arab Politics (London,Oxford University Press,1965)。
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[10] Johnson,The Military and Society in Latin America ,pp. 77—79,113—115;L. N. McAlister,“The Military,”in Johnson,ed.,Continuity and Change in Latin America (Stanford,Stanford University Press,1964),pp. 140—141.
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[11] 见Amos Perlmutter,“Ambition and Attrition:A Study of Ideology,Politics and Personality in Nasser’s Egypt”(unpublished MS),pp. 11—16;Keith Wheelock,Nasser’s New Egypt ,The Foreign Policy Research Institute Series,8(New York,Frederick Praeger,1960),pp. 12—36。
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[12] 这里和以下几页的若干处引自我的论文:“Patterns of Violence in World Politics,”in Huntington,ed.,Changing Patterns ,pp. 32—40。
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[13] John Coast,Some Aspects of Siamese Politics (New York,International Secretariat,Institute of Pacific Relations,1953),p. 5.
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[14] Alford Carleton,“The Syrian Coups d’Etat,”Middle East Journal,4 (Jan.1950),10—11.
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[15] Robert J. Alexander,The Bolivian National Revolution (New Brunswick,Rutgers University Press,1958),pp. 25—26.
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[16] George Blanksten,“Revolutions,”in Harold E. Davis,ed.,Government and Politics in Latin America (New York,Ronald Press,1958),pp. 138—139.
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[17] Edwin Lieuwen,Arms and Politics in Latin America (New York,Frederick Praeger,1960),pp. 91—92.
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[18] Charles W. Anderson,“El Salvador:The Army as Reformer,”in Martin C. Needler,ed.,Political Systems of Latin America (Princeton,D. Van Nostrand Company,1964),pp. 58—59,61.
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[19] Liisa North Civil-Military Relations in Argentina,Chile,and Peru ,Politics of Modernization Series,2(Berkeley,Institute of International Studies,University of California,1966),26—27.
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[20] Federico G. Gil,“Chile:Society in Transition,”in Needler,p,361.
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[21] North,pp. 34—35,74—77.
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[22] 见James Harrington,Oceana ,ed. S.B. Liljegren(Heidelberg,1924),p. 10。
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[23] S.M. Lipset,“University Students and Politics in Underdeveloped Countries,”Minerva,8 (Autumn 1964),20. 关于现代化之中国家高校缺乏功能自主性的例证,还可参见该文第43—44页。
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[24]New York Times ,December 4,1961,p. 10.
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[25] James L. Payne,Labor and Politics in Peru (New Hven,Yale University Press,1965),pp. 271—272. 亦可见Martin C. Needler,Political Development in Latin America:Violence,and Evolutionary Change ,Chap. 3中对“社会各界代表性动乱”的讨论。
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[26] Edwin Lieuwen,Generals vs. Presidents (New York,Praeger,1964),p. 48.“通过暴力实行民主”的概念是Payne在Labor and Politics in Peru 一书中提出的。
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[27] 亚伯拉罕·洛温塔尔(Abraham F. Lowenthal)对多米尼加政治的描述,淋漓尽致地显示出普力夺社会中直接行动的恶性循环。他写道:“我还想着重谈谈多米尼加共和国政治动荡的最后一个方面,即各种社会势力之间进行直接的、近乎赤裸裸的对抗。该国各集团所使用的战术,自1961年以来,日趋变得鲁莽,明目张胆地显示武力,其矛头所向已不是迫使政府采取某种特定政策,而更常是要取代政府。这种做法自然会使冲突升级。学生和高校政客发表宣言,散发传单,鼓动不停的罢工,上街游行示威,到处作乱,以政治理由赶走学校整个领导班子,曾为一次短暂的游击起义输运人马,并在‘宪政主义’运动的突击队中战斗过。工会曾向公众呼吁,召开大会,举行罢工,组织起对那些在政治上不合自己心意的官吏和雇员动手动脚,以便把他们搞掉。1966年,工会几乎完全成功地掀起了全国性的总罢工,还为1965年的斗争组成了突击队。商人早在1961年就举行过声势颇大的罢市,显示出他们在反对特鲁希略残余分子斗争中的力量;一个较小的商业利益集团在1963年为了推翻布施,另一个集团为了对抗1966年的总罢工,也采取过类似的手段,后者组织了反罢工。我还可以借此补充一句,商界人士据信还曾组织并支持1955年以来在暴力行为方面可能比极左派有过之无不及的恐怖主义团体。就连一直清楚地意识到自身乃多米尼加生活中为数不多的连续性因素之一的教会,有时也会通过直接呼吁而显示自身的威力。神职人员的各种信函和公开呼吁,以及至1965年积极参加建立临时政府的谈判,无不显示出教会公开问政的行为;教会还通过推行带有政治色彩的基督教教义简明教程运动,通过支持1963年重新皈依基督教的群众性集会,在反对布施的斗争中显然施加了自己的影响。其他各种社会势力不仅使用了演说、集会、组织支持者等手段,而最要命的还是采取了阴谋和颠覆的伎俩,联络军内不同派系,掀起政变和反政变。而军队也就乘势屡屡推翻政府,阻止政府执行某些特定政策,并且也镇压过反对派。由于相互冲突的各集团直接厮杀,军方就得以在1965年危机之前一直主宰着局势。1965年暴力升级,包括有人向非正规军发枪,促使手中握有终极力量的空军和陆军训练中心下决心痛剿陆军中的反对派和平民。正是这次在混乱政治中使用终极手段的决定引发了1965年的危机,并为美国的干预铺平了道路。”见“Political Instability in the Dominican Republic”(Unpublished manuscript,Harvard University,May 1967)。
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