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[8]Charles Jones和Jihee Kim利用创造性破坏范式来解释顶层收入群体的动态不平等。他们认为增长既来自在位企业获得的经验积累，也来自新企业进入带来的创造性破坏。前者会加剧不平等，而后者会减少不平等。参见Charles I. Jones and Jihee Kim,“A Schumpeterian Model of Top Income Inequality,”JournalofPoliticalEconomy126, no. 5（2018）
:1785 -1826.
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[9]Philippe Aghion, Antonin Bergeaud, Richard Blundell, and Rachel Griffith,“The Innovation Premium to Soft Skills in Low-Skilled Occupations,” unpublished manuscript, 2019.
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[10]Gallup annual survey of Honesty and Ethics in the Professions, 2017, https: //news. gallup. com/ poll/ 1654 / honesty-ethics-professions. aspx.
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[11]Konstantinos Dellis and David Sondermann,“Lobbying in Europe: New Firm Level Evidence,” Working Paper 2071, European Central Bank, June 2017.
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[12]Ufuk Akcigit, Salomé Baslandze, and Francesca Lotti, “Connecting to Power
:Political Connections, Innovation, and Firm Dynamics” （NBER Working Paper No. 25136, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA, October 2018）.
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[13]Marianne Bertrand, Matilde Bombardini, and Francesco Trebbi, “Is It Whom You Know or What You Know? An Empirical Assessment of the Lobbying Process,”AmericanEconomicReview104, no. 12（2014）
:3885 -3920.
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[14]Brian Kelleher Richter, Krislert Samphantharak, and Jeffrey F. Timmons,“Lobbying and Taxes,”American Journal of Political Science53, no. 4（2009）
:893 -909.
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[15]一个州越靠近x轴的左侧，该州的游说活动越密集。由于不同年份的游说密度不同，同一个州可能在x轴方向上左右移动。
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[16]关于这次不仅影响瑞典而且波及其他三个北欧国家（挪威、芬兰和丹麦）的税制改革的理论基础，可参阅Céline Antonin and Vincent Touzé,“Loi des finances 2018 et fiscalité du capital. Fondements et impact sur les taux marginaux supérieurs,”Revuedel’OFCE161, no. 1（2019）:77 -112.
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[17]Philippe Aghion and Alexandra Roulet,Repenserl’Etat.Pourunesocialdémocratiedel’innovation（Paris: Seuil, in collaboration with La République desidées, 2011）.
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[18]Thomas Blanchet, Lucas Chancel, and Amory Gethin,“Why Is Europe Less Unequal Than the United States?” unpublished manuscript, 2020, https: // wid. world/ wp content/ uploads/ 2020/10/ WorldInequalityLab_WP2020_19_Europe-2. pdf.
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[19]尽管如此，近期有批评认为，瑞典在1991年改革之后的某些后续改革中取消了财产税与遗产税，这走得太远了。
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[20]Ufuk Akcigit, Salomé Baslandze, and Stefanie Stantcheva,“Taxation and the International Mobility of Inventors,”AmericanEconomicReview106, no. 10（2016）
:2930 -2981.
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[21]这些面板数据让我们能精确追踪法国的个人收入变化轨迹，是公共财政总局（Directorate General of Public Finance）通过安全数据接入中心（Secure Data Access Center, CASD）提供给研究人员的关于所得税的匿名信息。
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[22]Ufuk Akcigit, Salomé Baslandze, and Stefanie Stantcheva,“Taxation and the International Mobility of Inventors,”AmericanEconomicReview106, no. 10（2016）
:2930 -2981.
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[23]Ufuk Akcigit, John Grigsby, Tom Nicholas, and Stefanie Stantcheva,“Taxation and Innovation in the 20th Century”（NBER Working Paper No. 24982, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA, September 2018）.
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[24]Philippe Aghion, Ufuk Akcigit, Julia Cagé, and William R. Kerr,“Taxation,Corruption, and Growth,”EuropeanEconomicReview86（2016）:24 -51.
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[25]对于增长、腐败和税收收入等变量，该研究均采用5个子时期的平均值，对47个州与4个子时期做了回归。
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[26]参见本书第10章、第11章和第14章。
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[27]Philippe Aghion, Vlad Ciornohuz, Maxime Gravoueille, and Stefanie Stantcheva,“Reforms and Dynamics of Income: Evidence Using New Panel Data,” unpublished manuscript, July 1,2019, https: // www. college-de-france. fr/ media/ philippe aghion/ UPL8158439681301526632_Tax_Reforms. pdf.
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创造性破坏的力量 第6章 长期停滞之争
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在《好的经济学》一书中，阿比吉特·班纳吉与埃斯特·迪弗洛对比了乔尔·莫克尔关于创新和长期增长的乐观展望同罗伯特·戈登的悲观看法。[1]在戈登眼中，伟大创新（如蒸汽机、电力和内燃机等）的时代已成为历史，如今进入了创新收益急剧下降的阶段，其必然结果是增长率的持续下跌。[2]莫克尔则认为，信息技术革命加上贸易全球化为创新与增长的繁荣创造了前所未有的条件。
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我们将在本章尝试解释，为什么美国这样的创新经济体在过去20年的生产率增速会下降，并调和戈登与莫克尔的观点。
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