1704602710
1704602711
19 M. L. Bacci, 2017, A Concise History of World Population (London: John Wiley and Sons).
1704602712
1704602713
20 1—1500年，越来越高的土地生产率似乎对人口密度产生了显著影响，但对生活水平的影响并不明显，参见Q. Ashraf and O. Galor, 2011, “Dynamics and Stagnation in the Malthusian Epoch,” American Economic Review 101 (5): 2003-41。
1704602714
1704602715
21 概述参见J. Mokyr and H. J. Voth, 2010, “Understanding Growth in Europe, 1700–1870: Theory and Evidence,” in The Cambridge Economic History of Modern Europe, ed. S. Broadberry and K. O’Rourke (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 1
:7-42。
1704602716
1704602717
22 O. Galor and D. N. Weil, 2000, “Population, Technology, and Growth: From Malthusian Stagnation to the Demographic Transition and Beyond,” American Economic Review 90 (4): 806-28; G. Clark, 2008, A Farewell to Alms.
1704602718
1704602719
23 比如，Ronald Lee和Michael Anderson对“1500年后的世界仍是马尔萨斯型的”这一观点表示怀疑，他们认为生育率或死亡率的长期变化几乎无法用工资模型来解释。（2002, “Malthus in State Space: Macroeconomic-Demographic Relations in English History, 1540–1870,” Journal of Population Economics 15 [2]: 195-220） Esteban Nicolini 还发现1650年后生育的影响力在很大程度上减弱了。（2007, “Was Malthus Right? A VAR Analysis of Economic and Demographic Interactions in Pre-Industrial England,” European Review of Economic History 11 [1]: 99-121）
1704602720
1704602721
24 Alessandro Nuvolari和Mattia Ricci估测了英国的人均国内生产总值，发现1250—1580年是马尔萨斯时期，这段时期没有出现正增长。但是在1580—1780年，当马尔萨斯陷阱的限制开始松懈，正增长就出现了。（Nuvolari and Ricci, 2013, “Economic Growth in England, 1250-1850: Some New Estimates Using a Demand Side Approach,” Rivista di Storia Economica 29 [1]: 31-54. ）
1704602722
1704602723
25 R. C. Allen, 2009, “How Prosperous Were the Romans? Evidence from Diocletian’s Price Edict (AD 301),” in Quantifying the Roman Economic: Methods and Problems, ed. Alan Bowman and Andrew Wilson (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 327-45.
1704602724
1704602725
26 J. Bolt and J. L. Van Zanden, 2014, “The Maddison Project: Collaborative Research on Historical National Accounts,” Economic History Review 67 (3): 627-51.
1704602726
1704602727
27 意大利北部的人均国内生产总值预估是北海地区以外的一个显著例外：1—1300年，意大利的人均国内生产总值几乎翻了一番。但一些学者认为，我们也有充分的理由相信这种估计被夸大了。[Bolt and Van Zanden, 2014, “The Maddison Project”; W. Scheidel, and S. J. Friesen, 2009, “The Size of the Economy and the Distribution of Income in the Roman Empire,” Journal of Roman Studies 99 (March): 61-91]据估计在1300—1800年间，意大利北部的人均国内生产总值有所下降。
1704602728
1704602729
28 A. Maddison, 2005, Growth and Interaction in the World Economy: The Roots of Modernity (Washington: AEI Press), 21.
1704602730
1704602731
29 参见J. De Vries, 2008, The Industrious Revolution: Consumer Behavior and the Household Economy, 1650 to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press)。
1704602732
1704602733
30 参见S. D. Chapman, 1967, The Early Factory Masters: The Transition to the Factory System in the Midlands Textile Industry (Exeter, UK: David and Charles)。
1704602734
1704602735
31 F. F. Mendels, 1972, “Proto-industrialization: The First Phase of the Industrialization Process,” Journal of Economic History 32 (1): 241-61.
1704602736
1704602737
32 P. H. Lindert and J. G. Williamson, 1982, “Revising England’s Social Tables 1688–1812,” Explorations in Economic History 19 (4): 385-408.
1704602738
1704602739
33 A. Maddison, 2002, The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective (Paris: Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development).
1704602740
1704602741
34 根据1086年的《土地调查清册》和1688年格雷戈里·金公布的其他数据，Graeme Snooks估计，按人均算，英国的经济以0.29%的年增长率增长。（1994, “New Perspectives on the Industrial Revolution,” in Was the Industrial Revolution Necessary?, ed. G. D. Snooks [London: Routledge], 1-26）
1704602742
1704602743
35 D. Defoe, [1724] 1971, A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain (London: Penguin), 432.
1704602744
1704602745
36 A. Smith, [1776] 1976, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), 365-66.
1704602746
1704602747
37 如上所述，少数人占有了大部分财富。然而，尽管并非每个人都从增长中平等获益，但大多数工人的生活水平远高于最低生活水平。根据1688年King发布的英国社会层级名录，艾伦估计包括农民、乞丐和流浪者在内的最贫穷的群体只能负担最基本的生活。这些群体的生活水平可能并没有比几千年前的狩猎采集者好多少，但他们的人口不到英国人口的五分之一。其他群体的收入则高得多：制造业工人、农业劳动者、建筑业工人、矿工、士兵、水手和家庭佣人（占总人口的35%）的收入几乎是仅能维持生计的最低收入的三倍，比例最大的一类人（包括店主、制造商和农民）的收入是仅能维持生计的收入的五倍，而最富有的人（包括地主阶级和资产阶级）的收入是仅能维持生计的收入的二十倍。（R. C. Allen, 2009a, The British Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press], table 2.5）
1704602748
1704602749
38 Defoe, [1724] 1971, A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain, 338.
1704602750
1704602751
39 关于向下的社会流动性，参见G. Clark and G. Hamilton, 2006, “Survival of the Richest: The Malthusian Mechanism in Pre-Industrial England,” Journal of Economic History 66 (3): 707-36。
1704602752
1704602753
40 Smith, [1776] 1976, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, 432.
1704602754
1704602755
41 M. Doepke and F. Zilibotti, 2008, “Occupational Choice and the Spirit of Capitalism, Quarterly Journal of Economics 123 (2): 747-93.
1704602756
1704602757
42 D. N. McCloskey, 2010, The Bourgeois Virtues: Ethics for an Age of Commerce (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
1704602758
1704602759
43 Marx and Engels, [1848] 1967, The Communist Manifesto, 35.
[
上一页 ]
[ :1.70460271e+09 ]
[
下一页 ]