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71 斯大林打断了莫洛托夫的汇报，他斥责了纳粹领导人，说“他们政策的主要原则就是背信弃义”（引自 Watson，第 186 页）。
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72 1941 god. Dokumenty [The Year 1941. Documents], ed. A. N. Iakovlev, V. P. Naumov et al., Moscow, 1998, vol. 1, docs. 41—42, 44, 53, 58, 93 (all from July and August 1940); also Gorodetsky, p. 38.
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73 Besymenski, pp. 97—98.
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74 Gorodetsky, p. 118.
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75 Gorodetsky, p. 120.
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76 Seweryn Bialer (ed.), Stalin and his Generals, London, 1970, pp. 35—36; Albert Seaton, Stalin as Warlord, London, 1976, pp. 87—89; Adam Ulam, Stalin. The Man and his Era, Boston, 1989, p. 530; Mikoyan, p. 382.
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77 Besymenski, p. 368.
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78 Seaton, p. 91.
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79 Khrushchev Remembers, pp. 158—160, 163—164.
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80 Besymenski, pp. 282—298 (Timoshenko’s report of 7 December 1940). David M. Glantz，Stumbling Colossus：The Red Army on the Eve of World War（Lawrence，Kan.，1998），第 89 页，称 1940 年 5 月 8 日的这份报告是伏罗希洛夫和铁木辛哥共同完成的。但这个日期是铁木辛哥接任国防人民委员的日期，不是报告的日期。当时铁木辛哥从红军总部接收了背景材料，但是没有证据显示伏罗希洛夫帮助起草了这份最终在 1940 年 12 月 7 日上交的报告。
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81 Bonwetsch, p. 186; Besymenski, p. 98; Louis Rotundo, ‘Stalin and the Outbreak of War in 1941’, Journal of Contemporary History, 24 (1989), p. 280; Glantz, Military Strategy, p. 92; Glantz, Stumbling Colossus, p. 107; and see Zhukov, vol. 1, pp. 228, 244—245.
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82 Mark von Hagen, ‘Soviet Soldiers and Officers on the Eve of the German Invasion. Toward a Description of Social Psychology and Political Attitudes’, in Robert W. Thurston and Bernd Bonwetsch (eds.), The People’s War. Responses to World War II in the Soviet Union, Urbana/Chicago, 2000, pp. 191—199.
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83 John Erickson, The Road to Stalingrad. Stalin’s War with Germany, vol. 1, London, paperback edn., 1998, pp. 62—64. 关于苏军在军备、交通与防御方面的不足，另见 Zhukov，vol. 1，第 233—243 页。
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84 Jacques Sapir, ‘The Economics of War in the Soviet Union during World War II’, in Kershaw and Lewin, p. 216. 红军在巴巴罗萨行动前夕的弱点和对战争行动的不适应，见 David M. Glantz，“The Red Army in 1941”，in David M. Glantz（ed.），The Initial Period of War on the Eastern Front，22 June—August 1941（London，1993），第 1—39 页；David M. Glantz，Barbarossa：Hitler’s Invasion of Russia 1941（Stroud，2001），第 22—28 页。
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85 Gorodetsky, pp. 116—117; Sapir, pp. 210—211; Glantz, Military Strategy, pp. 65—66.
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86 John Erickson, ‘Threat Identification and Strategic Appraisal by the Soviet Union 1930—1941’, in E. R. May (ed.), Knowing One’s Enemies. Intelligence Assessment between the Two World Wars, Princeton, 1983, pp. 416—418; Whaley, pp. 175, 181, 199, 223, 228, 242; Roberts, Unholy Alliance, pp. 187, 213; Glantz, Military Strategy, pp. 61—62. 红军总参谋部一直假定德军需要 10 到 15 天才能完成动员和部署，因此排除了突然袭击的可能性（Glantz，Stumbling Colossus，第 96 页）。
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87 Gorodetsky, p. 126. The continuity of strategic thinking, also under Zhukov, is also stressed by Glantz, Military Strategy, pp. 87—88. 朱可夫后来（Zhukov，vol. 1，第 245 页）说：“军事战略主要是建立在只有发起进攻才能打败侵略者的正确观念基础上。”
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88 Besymenski, pp. 355—363. See also Glantz, Military Strategy, pp. 70—75; and Glantz, Stumbling Colossus, pp. 90—92.
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89 Quoted in Glantz, Stumbling Colossus, p. 93 and Besymenski, p. 364. Zhukov，vol. 1，第 250 页，朱可夫回忆斯大林说过：“没有这些重要资源，纳粹德国就不可能打一场持久的大仗。”
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90 Besymenski, pp. 364—365; 1941 god, vol. 1, docs. 95, 134; Evan Mawdsley, ‘Crossing the Rubicon. Soviet Plans for Offensive War in 1940—1941’, International History Review, 25 (2003), pp. 821—823; Gorodetsky, pp. 122—124; Jacob Kipp, ‘Soviet War Planning’, in Glanz, Initial Period of War, pp. 46—47; Glantz, Military Strategy, pp. 78—81.
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91 Gorodetsky, p. 127. For the proceedings of the conference, see Erickson, Road to Stalingrad, pp. 40—46.
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92 Gorodetsky, pp. 128—129; Mawdsley, ‘Crossing the Rubicon’, pp. 825—827; Erickson, Road to Stalingrad, pp. 50—55; Glantz, Military Strategy, pp. 81—86; Zhukov, vol. 1, pp. 221—225.
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93 Mawdsley, ‘Crossing the Rubicon’, pp. 827—832; 1941 god, vol. 1, doc. 315; extracts in Besymenski, pp. 365—367; Zhukov, vol. 1, p. 250.
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94 Mawdsley,‘Crossing the Rubicon’, pp. 827—829; Besymenski, p. 368; Glantz, Stumbling Colossus, pp. 100—102, 108. 确实已经部署到位的部队缺乏武器装备和弹药，没有运输手段，受限于糟糕的通讯条件，见 Catherine Merridale，Ivan’s War：The Red Army 1939—1945（London，2005），第 87—90 页。
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95 Besymenski, pp. 368—370.
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