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4.When we read in Livy 7.34(for the year 340 B.C.)that the hastati and principes of a legion were detached, or in 10.14(for the year 297 B.C.)the hastati of a legion, that point has, of course, no historical value, but it may be cited here as a reflection of the experience of the second century B.C.
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5.In the Livy Epitome, Book 67,it is stated that in the battle of Arausio 80,000 soldiers,40,000 supply train drivers and camp-followers(calones et lixae)were killed. These figures are certainly very exaggerated, but it is perhaps worthy of note that at this time a strength amounting to 50 percent of that of the combatants was attributed to the supply train. We could conclude from this that even before the time of Marius the veliti had disappeared for the most part, or at times perhaps completely, out of the legions, and the orderly and supply train system had been organized differently, on a practical basis.
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6.Stolle, in The Romans’Camp and Army(Das Lager und Heer der Römer)(1912)opposes the idea that the number 6,000 is to be regarded as normal for the legion, and therefore 600 for the cohort, and we must agree with him that it is not as well founded as had been believed up to now. Nevertheless, it seems quite plausible to me, and the differences can, at least for our purposes, be ignored.
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7.Of course, that has not been proved directly, but as Marquardt has remarked(2:339),it is very probable. See also Polybius 11.23,where it is stated that three maniples were called a cohort.
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8. The passage where Polybius describes this quality of the Roman battle formation—that it was at the same time impenetrable(consequently in close order)and capable in all its individual units of turning in any desired direction(15.15.7)—is unfortunately somewhat obscure in its wording, but according to the sense quite clear and very valuable. The two characteristics of impenetrability and mobility can only be united by having intervals between the cohorts and keeping these intervals as small as possible. The large intervals that Veith(in Vol.3,Part 2,p.701)uses this passage to support are not only not proved by it, but are in fact contradicted, since a battle formation with intervals in its front is not impenetrable. The small intervals, as I conceive them, do not remove the quality of impenetrability, since they are closed up at the moment of impact by the press from the rear.
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9.Livy 43.14. Polybius 35.4.
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1700072802
10.See the source citations in Mommsen, Roman History(Römische Geschichte)2:107 and 175;Marquardt, The Roman National Constitution(Römische Staatsverfassung),2:381.
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1700072804
11.Plutarch, Marius, Chapter 9.
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1700072806
3 百夫长
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1700072808
1.Correctly noted and solidly documented but expressed somewhat too strongly by Fröhlich in Caesar’s Method of Waging War(Kriegswesen Cäsars),p.19.
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2.Polybius 6.34.One would expect that, corresponding to the 10 cohorts of the legion,10 tribunes would be assigned; however, even under the empire, there were only 6. Vegetius 2.12,states,“Cohortes a tribunis vel a praepositis regebantur”(“the cohorts ought to be commanded by tribunes or others set over them”). The contradiction in the fact that the cohort appears as the basic tactical unit but the centurion is the key leader stems from the development of the army from a general citizen levy. For a long time already, the tribunes had had the character of magistrates, whereas the centurions had become soldiers pure and simple.
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3.See also the passages in Marquardt,2:545;Festus, p.198,says that he had moved into the position of the old accensus(orderly)and on p.184 that the centurion had chosen him “rerum privatarum ministrum”(“the one who attends to private affairs”).
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4.Vegetius 2.7.
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5.During the period of the Empire we see many titles of men with special functions who, in our system, would probably be designated as privates first-class or as noncommissioned officers with administrative functions. See I.H. Drake, The principalis of the Early Empire,1905,and Domaszewski, The Rank Structure of the Roman Army(Die Rangordnung des römischen Heeres)1908.
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4 米特拉达梯
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1.Memnon, who also says not a word about the second battle. Episodes of the History of Greece(Fragmenta historiae Graeciae)(ed. Carolus Müller),3.542.
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2.Kromayer, Ancient Battlefields(Antike Schlachtfelder)Vol.2,has tried to reconstruct at Chaeronea a full-fledged battle, something that has just as little corroboration in the sources and is objectively just as impossible as the same author’s battle of Magnesia. It would be superfluous to give detailed proof for this.
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3.That the largest part of the army had spread out to plunder is not a sufficient reason, for if the remainder was much weaker than the Romans, we must ask ourselves again why Sulla did not take advantage of this opportunity to attack.
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4.K.Eckhardt, Die armenischen Feldzüge des Lucullus, Berlin dissertation 1909,Klio, Vols.9 and 10. The military-objective analysis is not incisive enough. Nor does Gröbe, in Deutsche. Literaturzeitung, Vol.47,1910,agree with him.
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5 罗马人与帕提亚人
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1. The changes I have made in this chapter are based on the painstaking work of Francis Smith in the Historische Zeitschrift, Vol.115,1916.
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2.Regling,“Crassus’War Against the Parthians”“Crassus’Parth-erkrieg,”Klio, Vol.7,1907.
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3.According to Gardthausen, Vol.II, Part 1,p.150,footnote 6,the figures for the strength of the Roman army vary between 13 and 18 legions. The Armenian reinforcing troops should also be added to that number.
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4.Dio Cassius 49.26.
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5.Plutarch, Antonius, Chapter 49,conclusion. Dio 49.31.
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