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65.Susane, Histoire de la cavallerie française,1:48.
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66.According to the Quellen zur Geschichte der Feuerwaffen, p.118,a pistol appears in an illustration dated as early as 1531;another pistol, with a wheel lock,“judging from its component parts and form,” is dated “approximately” in the second decade of the sixteenth century.
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3 长枪方阵战术
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1.We might be reminded of the battle of Sellasia, but the sources for that battle are much too uncertain. See Vol.I, p.241.
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2.The Spanish theoreticians of the school of Alba—Valdes, Eguiluz, and Lechuga—favored a shallower formation for the infantry(Jähns,1:729 ff.). At any rate, they preferred the square by space to the square of men, but they also favored an even shallower formation, going as far as a ratio of 1:7. Valdes gives as an example that Alba once formed his 1,200 spearmen, three terzios,60 men wide and 20 men deep.
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Mendoza gives no positive prescription but simply mentions that they had both wider formations and deeper formations. In the Institution de la discipline militaire au Royaume de France, Lyon,1559,p.73,the space square, which has twice as many files as ranks, is prescribed.
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3.The Italian Giovacchino da Coniano, who was a sergeant major in the English service against France in the 1540s, sketched and described a series of thirty-two battle formations. There were supposed to have been even more.(Comment by the editor at the end of the document: “It was entitled Dell’Ordinanze overo battaglie del capitan Giovacchino da Conjano, printed in Book III of the work Delia Fortificatione delle città di Girolamo Maggi e Jacomo Castriotto. Venice,1583,115 ff.)The whole work was already assembled in 1564.(See Maurice I.D. Cockle, A Bibliography of English Military Books Up to 1642 and of Contemporary Foreign Works. London,1900,pp.141,200.)Although the somewhat boastful soldier refers again and again to practical testing of his formations in the face of the enemy, we can probably not lend him too much credence. The accomplishments on the English side before Boulogne at that time did not evoke much respect elsewhere in the world. Nevertheless, it is interesting that the sergeant major was already sketching very shallow formations, with the justification that he had experienced how much better it was to have more weapons in the front line in action simultaneously(Fol.119-720).
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4 佣兵军队的内部建制
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1.The standard document for this subject is the careful and worthwhile study by Wilhelm Erben,“Origin and Development of the German Articles of War”(“Ursprung und Entwicklung der deutschen Kriegsartikel”),in the Festgabe für Theodor Sickel, Mitteilungen des Instituts für’ostreichische Geschichtsforschung, supplementary Vol.VI,1900,with a few later additions by the same author. Closely linked with this work is the equally excellent book by Burkhard von Bonin, Bases of the Legal System in the German Army at the Beginning of the Modern Era(to 1600)(Grundzüge der Rechtsverfassung in dem deutschen Heere zu Beginn der Neuzeit[bis 1600]). Weimar,1904. Also very important and providing good orientation by its comprehensiveness is the work by Wilhelm Beck, The Oldest Letters of Articles for the German Infantry(Die ältesten Artikelbriefe für das deutsche Fussvolk),1908. See Erben’s review in the Historische Zeitschrift,102:368.
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2.“Weibel”(Feldwebel: first sergeant)is related to the word “weben”(“to weave”)and means the servant who moves quickly here and there, running back and forth. The Feldwebel was initially assigned by the colonel as responsible for lining up the whole regiment and only later gradually became a functionary for the company. The “Gemeinweibel,” who are supposed by some scholars to have been elected by the troops in order to present their possible complaints to the captain, seem to me somewhat questionable. On this point, see Bonin, p.50,and Erben, p.14.
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3.Bonin, p.170,cites a few passages that indicate that the first sergeant was not to strike with his fist or with staffs, but with the shaft of his halberd. The captain and the lieutenant were supposed “to strike in their command duties with short sticks,” but “not without great reason therefor.”
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4.Bonin, p.21.
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5.Georg Paetel, The Organization of the Hessian Army under Philip the Magnanimous(Die Organisation des hessischen Heeres unter Philipp dem Grossmütigen),1897.
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6.26.Discours. Observations militaires, Ed.1587,p.750.
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7.Paetel, p.231.
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8.Saxon Articles of War of 1546(Sächsische Kriegsartikel von 1546). Published in the Militär-Wochenblatt, No.157,1909,by G. Berbig.
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9.Eidgenössische Abschiede,3.1.599.
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10.When the wars of religion started in 1562,the soldiers on both sides initially conducted themselves very properly. Among the Huguenots no swearing was heard, and no gambling or prostitutes were to be seen. The population was not bothered. But Coligny said at that time to de la Noue: “That will not last two months.” He was completely right. Furthermore, on occasion he took stringent steps and had robbers hanged. De la Noue, Discours 26,Observations militaires, Ed.1587,pp.681-686.
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11.De la Noue treats these fraternal groups thoroughly. Discours 16,Ed.1587,p.352 ff.
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12.Jähns,2:924.
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13.S.C. Gigon, La troisième guerre de religion. Jarnac-Moncontour(1568-1569),p.376.
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14.The Art of Dismounted War(Kriegskunst zu Fuss),pp.20-21.
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15.For example, Georg von Lüneburg had no fewer than 1,200 Poles in his service in 1636.
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16.Archives Oranien-Nassau,2d Series,2:275.
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17.Archives, p.10.
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