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12.von Bonin,“The War Council of the Electorate of Brandenburg,1630-41”(“Der kurbrandenburgische Kriegsrat,1630-1641”),Brandenburgisch-Preussische Forschungen,1913,p.51 ff.
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13.Researchers are not yet completely in agreement on the content and the nature of the reduction of 1641 and of the strength until 1656. J.G. Droysen’s concept that it was principally a question in 1641 of a relief from the double obligation to the emperor and the prince elector and that the young ruler simultaneously broke the opposition of the colonels and the Estates in order to create the unified army thenceforth obligated only to the prince has now been generally dropped. Meinardus,“Minutes and Accounts of the Brandenburg Privy Council”(“Protokolle und Relationen des Brandenburgischen Geheimen Rats”),introduction to the first and second volumes. Article,“Schwarzenberg” in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Article in the Preussische Jahrbücher, Vol.86,by Schrötter,“The Brandenburg-Prussian Army Organization Under the Great Elector”(“Die brandenburgisch-preussische Heeresverfassung unter dem Grossen Kurfürsten”),1892. Brake,“The Reduction of the Brandenburg-Prussian Army in the Summer of 1641”(“Die Reduktion des brandenburgisch-preussischen Heeres im Sommer 1641”),Bonn dissertation,1898. In this connection see also Meinardus, Historische Zeitschrift,81:556,82:370. Jany,“Die Anfänge der alten Armee.”Urkundliche Beiträge zur Geschichte des preussischen Heeres(Documentary Contributions to the History of the Prussian Army),Vol.1,1901.
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14.Ferdinand Hirsch,“The Army of the Great Elector”(“Die Armee des Grossen Kurfürsten”),Historische Zeitschrift,53(1885):231.
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15.This important observation is made by B.von Bonin in the Archives for Military Law(Archiv für Militärrecht),1911,p.262.
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16.See the article “The Prussian District President”(“Der preussische Landrat”)in my Historical and Political Essays(Historische und politische Aufsätze),where the difference between the Prussian, English, and French administrative systems is discussed.
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17.Ritter,“Wallenstein’s System of Contributions”(“Das Kontributionssystem Wallensteins”),Historische Zeitschrift,90:193. In Wallenstein’s army administration, which attempted to assure that, despite all their contributions, the burghers and peasants could tolerate them quite well, Ranke has already recognized the “trait of the national prince” in the great condottiere.
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18.von Schrötter,“The Bringing of the Prussian Army to Strength Under the First King”(“Die Ergänzung des preussischen Heeres unter dem ersten Könige”),Brandenburgisch-preussische Forschungen,1910,p.413.
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19.Schrötter, Brandenburgisch-preussische Forschungen,23:463.
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20.As an analogy to the way the old “Land Defense” was carried over into the standing army, let us note a negotiation between the emperor and the Lower Austrian Estates in 1639. The Estates wanted to establish the principle that the land defense could only be used within the territorial borders. The emperor demanded that every twentieth man be provided and proposed for consideration “whether these men could better be used by assigning them to a special corps or whether they should be incorporated as fillers in the old regiments.”According to Meynert, Geschichte des Kriegswesens,3:10.
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21.The standard study is Max Lehmann’s “Recruitment, Service Obligation, and System of Leaves in the Army of Frederick William I”(“Werbung, Wehrpflicht und Beurlaubung im Heere Friedrich Wilhelms I.”),Historische Zeitschrift, Vol.67,1891. A very clear insight of the structure of the Prussian army in the eighteenth century, based word for word on the sources, is given in the work of Erwin Dette, Frederick the Great and His Army(Friedrich der Grosse und sein Heer),Göttingen, Vanderhoeck und Ruprecht,1915. I have taken several characteristic observations verbatim from this excellent work.
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22.It is all the more remarkable when, according to Schrötter, p.466,at the death of Frederick I there already existed a levy system along controlled lines, with exemption of those with special possessions, that was quite similar to the situation created by the “canton regulation.”It appears that the purely arbitrary aspect of the levying by the officers was completely consonant with the forceful character of Frederick William I.
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23.Courbière, History of the Brandenburg-Prussian Military Organization(Geschichte der Brandenburgisch-Preussischen Heeresverfassung),p.119. When reference is made on p.120 to men of 3 inches and under 3 inches, this seems to me to stem from a writing error. As the smallest height, which was waived only under conditions of a complete scarcity of manpower, as in the last year of the Seven Years’War, we can regard 5 feet,5 inches(1.70 meters). See Grünhagen, Silesia under Frederick the Great(Schlesien unter Friedrich dem Grossen),1:405. Reimann, History of the Prussian Nation(Geschichte des preussischen Staates),1:154,claims that even in garrison regiments men could not be less than 5 feet,3 inches tall. According to Koser, Friedrich der Grosse,1:538,Frederick required in the older regiments men of 5 feet,8 inches in the front rank and 5 feet,6 inches in the second rank. For the newer regiments, these requirements were 5 feet,7 inches and 5 feet,5 inches, respectively.
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24.A report of the government of the electoral march of 1811 states:“In earlier times, as filler replacements, only such a moderate number of natives was required that only those subjects who were completely dispensable were enlisted, and that was determined by the civil authorities.”
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25.Studies in Brandenburg-Prussian History(Forschungen zur Brandenburgisch-Preussischen Geschichte),7:308.
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26.Ranke, Werke,27:230.
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27.Jähns,2:914.
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28.Excerpted from Tactical Training(Taktische Schulung),p.687.
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29.von Osten-Sacken, Prussia’s Army from Its Beginnings to the Present(Preussens Heer von seinen Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart),1911,1:173.
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30.These numbers are estimated for the regiment that was named “Thüna” in 1784 and “Winnig” in 1806. Ollech,“Life of Reiher”(“Leben Reihers”),Militär-Wochenblatt,1859,p.11. Kunhardt von Schmidt, Militär-Wochenblatt,1909,col.3771. The latter correctly assumes that, in view of the uniformity throughout the army, these lists give a picture not only of the individual troop unit but of the entire infantry of the period. Similar age relationships already existed in 1704. Schrötter, p.453.
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31.M. Lehmann, p.278.
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32.Basta(Book I, Chap.6—consequently, long before the Thirty Years’War)was already complaining about the start of the practice of filling the captains’positions only with aristocrats, even when they were completely inexperienced, so that no private soldier any longer had the hope of moving up, except in very exceptional cases. According to Löwe, Organization of Wallenstein’s Army(Organisation des Wallensteinschen Heeres),p.86,most of the colonels and generals in the Thirty Years’War were nobles, but among the lower officers there were still quite a number of former privates. G. Droysen,“Contributions to the History of the Military System During the Period of the Thirty Years’War”(“Beiträge zur Geschichte des Militärwesens während der Epoche des 30jährigen Krieges”),Zeitschrift für Kulturgeschichte, Vol.4,1875,emphasizes strongly, in opposition to Gansauge, that there was not yet any officer corps at that time.
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33.Schrötter, Brandenburgisch-Preussische Forschungen, Vol.27.
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34.Treated very clearly by Richard M. Meyer,“The Military Titles”(“Die militärischen Titel”)in the Zeitschrift für deutsche Wortforschung, Vol.12,Book 3(1910),p.145.
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The 1726 regulation of Frederick William I shows a great similarity to a Spanish regulation. Jähns,2:1577,believes that it goes back directly to the Spanish. Erben, in the Mitteilungen des kaiserlichen und königlichen Heeresmuseums,1(1902):3,seems to refute that. I hesitate to make any definitive judgment.
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35.Schmoller in the Historische Zeitschrift,30:61.
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