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5.Nissen，“The Trade Between China and the Roman Empire”（“Der Verkehr zwischen China und dem römischen Reich”）. Bonner Jahrbücher, Vol.95.
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6.Mitteis, in his “Studies on the Ancient Banking System Based on Papyrus Finds”（“Untersuchung über das antike Bankwesen auf Grund der Papyrusfunde”），Zeitschrift für Rechtsgeschichte, Römische Abteilung, Vol.19，establishes the fact that indications of a specific exchange of checks, which would, of course, be a very important point, are very weak.
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7.According to B. Pick in the Handwörterbuch der Staatsw-issenschaften 5：918，2d edition.
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8.Mommsen, Roman Monetary System（Römisches Münzwesen），pp.755，777.
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9.Based on an inscription found recently in Africa, an attempt has been made to clarify this with reductions of the army strength and the pay. Domaszewski, Rheinisches Museum 58：383. Mamea lowered the strength as well as the pay of the principales, but, of course.this action did not go far toward solving the matter. The soldiers and their good will were only too strongly needed both within the empire and beyond it.
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10.To be sure, the gold coins were reduced in weight but not in the me way the silver coins were alloyed. From this point, too, we may conclude that there was practically no more circulation of gold coins; otherwise, they would certainly not have passed up the convenient solution of using alloys in these coins as well. A shortage of gold is referred to directly in a source document, vita Aureliani，46，cited by Mommsen in Geschichte des römischen Münzwesens, p.832.
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11.In accordance with the verbatim text, the passage in Scrpt. Hist. Aug. Vita Alexandri（Writers of the Augustan History, Life of Alexander），Chapter 39，must be understood as meaning that the taxwas reduced to one-thirtieth. But the correction and interpretation proposed by Rodbertus, according to which it was one-thirtieth of the value of the cadaster, whereas previously one-tenth was required at least has the advantage of providing something possible and credible from a practical viewpoint. See M. Weber, Römische Agrargeschichte, P.194.
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12.Seeck, Preussische Jahrbücher 56：279.
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13.On 1 October 205，the soldier C. Julius Catullinus, of the Foutteenth Legion, dedicated an altar to Jupiter, and on it he referred to himself as “conductor prati Furiani lustro Nert. Celerini primi pili”（“tenant of the field of Furianus Nert. Celerinus, primus pilus.for a five-year period”）. This inscription was found on the Schaflerhof, south of Petronell, near Vienna, and was published in the Berichte d. Ver. Carunum in Wien, für das Jahr 1899，p.141. According to this, then, ground belonging to the legion（pratum）was regularly leased out to the soldiers. In various other places, inscriptions from the same period that also contain the word lustra（periods of five years）have been found. The editor, Bormann, has already related this, and certainly correctly so, to the permission that Septimius Severus gave the soldiers to live with their wives.
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In the Militärdiplom, No.90，C.I.L. III, supplement, p.2001.the text apparently speaks of the sons of “milites castellani”（“soldiers of a fort”）（only the letters … lani remain）. Since it is a question only of the sons of centurions and decurions, Seeck（in Paulys Realenzyclopädie, under castellum; castellani）believes that this refers to a special type of soldier higher in grade than the privates. I prefer to reconcile the inscription with the context indicated above. Mommsen places it between the years 216 and 247.
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14.Vita, Chapter 58.
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15.Premerstein, Klio 3：28.
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16.Biedermann, in his Studies on Egyptian Governmental History（Studien zur ägyptischen Verwaltungsgeschichte），1913，establishes in detail（p.108）that the old Egyptian administrative organization disappeared toward the middle of the third century.
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17.It is generally assumed that the auxiliaries had been increased as early as the second century because at that time they still had fewer demands than the legions. Under Augustus, for example.they received only a third of the pay of the legions and had no claim on the large donatives. At the same time, the demands of the legions were continuously increasing, while their military efficiency was declining. Domaszewski, Heidelberger Jahrbücher 10：226. This assumption is contrary to the possibility that I expressed on p.171 above that the auxiliaries had been organized into legions. Both theories are mere possibilities. And it is, of course, also imaginable that they existed side by side and that now one and now the other actually took place.
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18.I do not believe it necessary to attribute any significance to Caracalla’s military frivolities, which are reported in Dio Cassius 77.7 and in Herodian 4.8.2.3.
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19.Petersen, in The Marcus Aurelius Column, Text（Die Markus-Säule, Textband），p.44，says of the legionaries shown on the relief: “Their shield is seldom a normal scutum, their lance never shown as a pilum，” and on page 45 he continues: “… often they have trousers.”These are unusual phenomena which I do not know how to explain. It has also struck me in Tacitus’account of the German war how little reference is made to the unusual aspects of the Roman combat with the pilum.
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20.Von Domaszewski, Die Religion des römischen Heeres, p.49. See also p.113.
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第二篇 民族大迁徙
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1 日耳曼人为主体的古罗马军队
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1.Robert Grosse’s Roman Military History from Gallienus to the Beginning of the Byzantine Thematic Constitution（Römische Militärgeschichte von Gallienus bis zum Beginn der byzantinischen Themenverfassung），Berlin，1920，has unfortunately very little to offer, despite all the energy that went into it. I have not been able to draw anything from it for my account. See my review in the Historische Zeitschrift，1921.
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2.Dio Cassius 78.17.
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3.Zosimus 2.15.1.“He collected his forces, which included subjugated barbarians, Germans, and other Celtic nations, and some assembled from Britain.”*
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4.Ammianus 20.4.17. A source of little value, Nicephorus Callistus, also reports this of Valentinian I. But the description in Symmachus, orationes 1.10，to the extent that this rhetorician is to be trusted, excludes that possibility.
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5.Ammianus 31.7.11.
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6.Schuchhardt，“Anastasius’Wall at Constantinople and the Dobrudscha Walls（“Die Anastasiusmauer bei Konstantinopel und die Dobrudschawalle”），Jahrbücher des Archäologischen Instituts 16：107.
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