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16.Schöpflin, Alsatia diplomatica,1:226. Waitz, Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte,8:156.
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17.When Ladislaus of Bohemia levied his men in 1158 for the march to Italy, they were initially very dissatisfied, but when he explained that those who did not want to go would be allowed to stay at home, while those who went on the expedition had the prospect of rewards and honors, they all eagerly accepted the call.
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18.It is stated in this way in the “Service Regulations of Vercelli of 1154”(“Dienstrecht von Vercelli vom Jahre 1154”),published by Scheffer-Boichorst, Zur Geschichte des 12.und 13. Jahrhunderts, p.21:“Illam securitatem, quam dominus fecerit regi secundum suum ordinem, illam securitatem debent facere vasalli super evangelio domino episcopo de expeditione Romana.”(“That guarantee which a lord will have made to the king, according to his own rank, vassals ought to make to their Christian lord bishop in regard to a Roman expedition.”)
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19.On 7 November 1234,Pope Gregory IX required that a number of German princes should march to join him in the following March “te personaliter decenti militia comitatum, quae in expensis tuis per tres menses praeter tempus, quo veniet et recedet … commoratur”(“you in person by the proper military service of the office of counts, which lasts at your expense for three months in addition to the time in which you will come and return …”). Huillard-Bréholles,4:513. In November 1247,Emperor Frederick ordered the Tuscan cities to send the knights their trimonthly pay. Huillard-Bréholles,6:576. A dubious document of Frederick’s, supposedly dating from May 1243,confirmed to a certain knight Matthäus Vulpilla the property granted to his family by King William in return for providing “unius militis equitis armati per tres menses continuo infra regnum, cum necesu erit”(“one armed horseman for three months in succession within the realm when it will be necessary”). Huillard-Bréholles,6:939.
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20.Guilhiermoz, Essai sur l’origine de la noblesse, p.276,believes that the forty-day service was first introduced by Henry II for Normandy and was then extended to the other possessions of the Plantagenets. In other French areas, he believes, there developed the legal custom for military service to be provided from the start at the expense of the lord.
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21.With respect to these conditions, see Boutaric, Institutions militaires de la France avant les armées permanentes, p.126 ff. On p.233,Boutaric mentions a “coutume d’Albigeois”(“custom of the region of Albi”),from Martène, Thesaur.nov.anecdot.,1:834,according to which a vassal who did not bring along the prescribed number of men to the levy had to pay, as punishment for each missing warrior, double the amount of the man’s pay.
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22.Waitz,8:162.
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23.According to the so-called constitutio de expeditione Romana, M.G. LL.,2.2.2.
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24.Boutaric, Institutions militaires de la France, has collected the passages on this subject on pp.191 ff. He says that complete lists of the feudal levies do not exist, but those that have survived show how small the obligations of the great vassals were. Under Philip Augustus, the duke of Brittany provided forty knights, Anjou forty, Flanders forty-two, the Boulonnais seven, Ponthieu sixteen, Saint Pol eight, Artois eighteen, Vermandois twenty-four, Picardy thirty, Parisis and Orléanais eightynine, and Touraine fifty-five.
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From the time of Henry I(1152-1181),the counts of Champagne had lists made of their vassals, extracts from which have been passed down to us. Published in D’Arbois de Jubainville, Histoire des ducs et comtes de Champagne, Vol.II,1860.
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The first of these lists shows a total of 2,030 knights(milites). They provided the king with twelve bannerets.
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Normandy had 581 knights in the service of the king and 1,500 in the service of the barons.
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In 1294,Brittany had 166 knights(chevaliers,écuyers et archers),who were obligated to participate in the expedition. According to another source, there were 166 knights and 17 squires(écuyers). Brittany was obligated to provide only 40 for the king.
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2 莱希菲尔德会战
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1.Mon.Germ. SS.,3.408.
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2.Gerhardi, Vita S. Oudalrici(Life of Saint Oudalricus),SS.,4.377.
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3.Flodoard, SS.,III.
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4.Steichele, The Diocese of Augsburg(Das Bistum Augsburg),2(1864):491,and L. Brunner, The Invasions of the Hungarians in Germany(Die Einfälle der Ungarn in Deutschland),1855,p.38.
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5.Attempts have been made to reconcile Widukind’s report that the Hungarians crossed the Lech and the fact that they were already on the left bank with the assumption that the battle, nevertheless, took place on the left bank. This explanation is based on the assumption that the reference to the Hungarians was only to those who attacked the Germans in the rear before the actual battle and that, consequently, only a part of them crossed the river, only to cross it for a second time near its mouth, thus falling on the Germans from the rear.A special example of this belief is to be found in Wyneken in his Studies on German History(Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte),Vol.21,where he effectively corrects many of the errors made by others but in this case obviously falls from analysis into pure harmonistics. Widukind’s meaning is clear, namely, that the entire Hungarian army crossed the river to do battle, and not simply a part of the army crossed for the purpose of an envelopment and then returned. If anyone wishes to eliminate Widukind’s testimony to the effect that the Hungarians crossed the Lech before the battle(“Ungarii nihil cunctantes Lech fluvium transierunt”:“The Hungarians crossed the Lech River without any delay at all”)in order to be able to place the battle on the left bank, the only consistent possibility is to assume, as I have done above, that Widukind, who makes no mention of the siege, meant the first crossing.
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6.Annales Palidenses(Annals of Pöhlde),SS.,16.60:“ad clivum, qui dicitur Gunzenle”(“toward the hill which is called Gunzenlee”). Chronicon Eberspergense(Chronicle of Ebersberg),SS.,25.869:“Locus autem certaminis usque in hodiernum diem super fluvium Licum, id est Lech, latino eloquio nominatur Conciolegis, vulgares vero dicunt Gunzenlen.”(“The site of the battle, however, on the river Licum, that is the Lech, is called up to the present day by its Latin name Conciolegis; the common people in fact say Gunzenlen.”)Steichele, in Das Bistum Augsburg,2:491,reports that the hill no longer exists.
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7.Widukind says that the king established his camp “in confiniis Augustanae urbis”(“on the borders of the city of Augsburg”)and that the other contingents joined him there.That, of course, does not mean that the assembly area was in or beside the area belonging to the city of Augsburg, but only that it was in the vicinity of Augsburg, where the battle later took place. The assembly had to take place north of the Danube so that none of the contingents would be individually exposed to an attack by the swift Hungarians. Only after all the contingents were assembled did they move across the river, ready for battle.
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8.Annales Sangallenses majores(Annals of Saint Gall),Mon. Germ. SS.,1.79. To judge from the short report in these annals, it would not be impossible to conclude that the engagement between the Hungarians and the Bohemians and the capture of Lele took place in a completely different campaign, possibly on the Bohemian border. But we may clarify this point through a report from the Chronicon Eberspergense, SS.,20.12,which is admittedly 100 years later and very distorted but also contains the same name, Lel, of the Hungarian duke who was taken prisoner by the Ebersperg garrison while fleeing.
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9.Thus reads the imperial order as it was relayed by Archbishop Hatti of Trier to the bishop of Toul in 817. See p.35,above.
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3 亨利四世皇帝征战史
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1.Both in M.G. SS.,V and in the school edition.
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