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2.Carmen de bello Saxonico, M.G. SS.，XV.
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3.According to Lambert and Bruno.
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4.The Pöhlder Annals（M.G. SS.，XVI）report as follows on a battle they place in 1080：“Rursus inter Heinricum et Rodolfum bellum gestum est, ubi Rodolfus percepto clamore suos occubuisse putavit et fugit. At ubi eventum rei didicit, se scilicet propriam fugisse victoriam, magis vivere quam mori recusavit.”（“A battle was again waged between Henry and Rudolf, when Rudolf, after hearing a shout, thought his men had fallen and fled. But when he learned the outcome of the battle and that he obviously had fled his own victory, he was more reluctant to live than to die.”）This probably cannot refer to any other event than Melrichstadt.
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5.Berthold expressly stated（M.G. SS.，V）that Henry assured his retinue that this would be the case.
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6.Bruno says nothing about this. But it might be concluded from these points that the Pegau Chronicle had Henry marching up via Weida（south of Gera, on the upper Elster）. That is, of course, impossible in the light of Bruno’s account. But since in any case Henry had also called up Bavaria, where he had a particularly large number of supporters, for the campaign, and these troops could presumably not march on any other route, the account in the Pegau Chronicle may be based on a positive legend that royal troops moved via Weida. Of course, it could also be that the village of Weida, situated on the battlefield, was the place referred to in this legend.
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7.We cannot determine how close he came to Naumburg. Bruno’s statements could be understood to mean that he made an attempt to take Naumburg by storm. But it is also possible that when he heard that the Saxons or their advance guard had already reached Naumburg, Henry crossed the Saale a day’s march farther to the south. Perhaps only an engagement between reconnaissance forces took place before the town.
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4 诺曼人征服盎格鲁-撒克逊人
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1.Major Albany’s work, Early Wars of Wessex，1913，has no scholarly value, according to the review by J. Liebermann in the Historische Zeitschrift, Vol.117，p.500.
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2.Oman, History of the Art of War, to which I refer the reader for the cited provisions of the law, sees（p.109）the reason for opening up the class of thanes in the hope of inducing the peasants and burghers to provide themselves with good weapons and strengthen the military forces. I cannot agree with this idea. A well-to-do burgher or peasant who procures fine weapons does not thereby become a useful warrior, and in case of war he might only be inclined to hide his weapons and reject his newly won status. Such minor measures did not create men of a caliber to oppose the Vikings. Consequently, as we have seen above, the laws can only be interpreted in the opposite sense, namely, that the former warrior status of the thanes had already disappeared and there remained only a civilian-social status into which the more prominent peasants and burghers tried to be admitted.
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3.Stubbs，1：262，cites a source in Canterbury to the effect that there were no milites in England before the time of King William.
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4.See Freeman, Vol.III, Appendix H. H.，p.741，for a listing of all the various estimates of the army strengths.
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5.Compare the study on the changes in tactics in the preceding volume, Book IV, Chap.2，p.408，with the statements of Aristotle and Frederick the Great.
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5 诺曼人在英格兰的军事组织
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1.“Lord” is an Anglo-Saxon word and means literally “bread-giver.”The title “baron” came into England with the Conquest. It means the same thing as homo，“vassal，” and originally applied to all those directly enfeoffed by the king, but it gradually became limited to the most important men among them, the most eminent of whom were given the title of “earl.”
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2.The number of servitia debita that were provided by men not settled on the land, and the number of those who were settled, above and beyond the number of servitia debita, were therefore almost in balance, so that the number 5，000 appears in both cases. See p.179.
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3.Pollock and Maitland, The History of the English Law before the Time of Edward I，2d ed.，1898，1：236.
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4.In the battle Lincoln（1141），in which King Stephen was captured, he had a few earls on his side, who no doubt bore important names but had only a few men with them. One source, Gervasius of Canterbury, calls them “ficti et factiosi comites”（“false and factious earls”）. They had no other connection with the counties whose titles they bore except that a third of the income from those counties was paid to them（Oman, p.393）. Consequently, it was probably less a question of bad will than a lack of resources that prevented them from providing the king better support.
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5.Stubbs, Constitutional History，2d ed.，1：434.
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6.Robert de Monte, for the year 1159，cited in Stubbs, p.588.
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7.Dialogus de scaccario（Dialogue concerning the Exchequer），written in 1178-1179. Cited in Stubbs, p.588.
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8.Section 51.“Et statim … amovebimus de regno omnes aliegenas milites, balistarios, servientes, stipendiaries, qui venerint cum equis et armis ad nocumentum regni.”（“And immediately … we shall remove from the kingdom all foreign soldiers, crossbowmen, sergeants and mercenaries who will have come with horses and arms for the harm of the kingdom.”）
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9.Morris, The Welsh Wars of Edward I, p.185，passim.
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10.Pollock and Maitland，1：233，point out that the forty-day rule could hardly ever have had legal force but always remained only a theory. John of England once required eighty days.Recently, Guilhiermoz, Essai sur l’origine de la noblesse française, convincingly stated that it was Henry II of England who introduced the forty-day rule.
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11.Robert de Monte, cited in Stubbs, Constitutional History，1：455.
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12.Pollock and Maitland, p.234.
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