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[6] J.B.Bury,History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian (A.D.395-A.D.565) (London:MacMillan,1923),1:366.
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[7] N. H. Baynes,Constantine the Great and the Christian Church ,2nd ed. with preface by Henry Chadwick (London:Oxford University Press for the British Academy,1972),9-10,29-30;Veyne,Quand notre monde est devenu chrétien ,33,When Our World Became Christian ,16.
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[8] Letter of Constantine (of 313) to the bishop of Syracuse:Eusebius,Ecclesiastical History 10.5.21.
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[9] Barnes,Constantine and Eusebius ,208-44;同一作者的Athanasius and Constantius:Theology and Politics in the Constantinian Empire (Cambridge,MA:Harvard University Press,1993),165-75。新的研究参见P. Just,Imperator et Episcopus:Zum Verhältnis vom Staatsgewalt und christlicher Kirche zwischen dem 1. Konzil von Nicaea (325) und dem 1. Konzil von Konstantinopel ,Potsdamer Altertumswissenschaftliche Beiträge 8 (Stuttgart:F. Steiner,2003);P. Barceló,Constantius II. und seine Zeit:Die Anfänge des Staatskirchentums (Stuttgart:Klett-Cotta,2004);and Veyne,Quand notre monde est devenu chrétien ,141-58,When Our World Became Christian ,73-84。
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[10] C.Sotinel,“La sphère profane dans l’espace urbain,” in Les frontières du profane dans l’antiquité tardive ,ed. é. Rebillard and C. Sotinel,Collection de l’École française de Rome 428(Rome:École française de Rome,2010),319-49 at p. 344;Veyne,Quand notre monde est devenu chrétien ,78-91,When Our World Became Christian ,39-45.
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[11] Augustine,Dolbeau Sermon 25.25.510,ed. F. Dolbeau,Vingt-six sermons au peuple d’Afrique (Paris:Institut d’études Augustiniennes,1996),266,trans. E. Hill,in Sermons (Newly Discovered) III/11 ,The Works of Saint Augustine:A Translation for the 21st Century (Hyde Park,NY:New City Press,1997),382;参见P. Brown,Augustine of Hippo:New Edition with an Epilogue (Berkeley:University of California Press,2000),459-61。
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[12] Veyne,Quand notre monde est devenu chrétien ,159,When Our World Became Christian ,84.
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[13] R.S.O. Tomlin,“The Curse Tablets,” in The Temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath ,vol. 2,The Finds from the Sacred Spring ,ed. B. Cunliffe (Oxford:Oxford University Press,1988),323-24.
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[14] 关于崇拜仪式从业人员所享有的豁免权的一般观念,参见R.M. Grant,Early Christianity and Society:Seven Studies (New York:Harper and Row,1977),44-65;以及M. Weinfeld,Social Justice in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East (Minneapolis:Fortress;Jerusalem:Magnes,1995),16-17,79-80。执行仪式的个人同样有权享有豁免权,参见J. Alvar,Romanising Oriental Gods:Myth,Salvation and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele,Isis and Mithras ,trans. and ed. R. Gordon,Religions of the Greco-Roman World 165 (Leiden:Brill,2008),266,关于一个人以“为了皇帝的安康”的名义实施了牛祭(taruobolium),从而获得了豁免权。关于君士坦丁为犹太会堂的领导颁布的豁免权,参见Codex Theodosianus 16.8.2,16.8.4;A. Linder,ed. and trans.,The Jews in Roman Imperial Legislation (Detroit:Wayne State University Press;Jersusalem:Israel Academy of Sciences andHumanities,1987),131-38;以及 M. Jacobs,Die Institution des jüdischen Patriarchen ,Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum 52 (Tübingen:Mohr Siebeck,1995),274-84。关于老师作为“灵魂的医生”,参见Syro-Roman Law Book 116,ed. and trans. J. Furlani,Fontes Iuris Romani Anteiustiniani ,ed. S. Riccobono (Florence:G. Barberà,1968),vol. 2,part 1,p. 794。
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[15] 特别参见Codex Theodosianus 16.2.1-16,from 313 to 361 A.D.,with the edition with notes by R. Delmaire,Le code Théodosien:Livre XVI ,SC 497 (Paris:Le Cerf,2005),122-55. K. L.Noethlichs,“Zur Einflussnahme des Staates auf die Entwicklung eines christlichen Klerikerstandes,” Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 15 (1972):136-54;R. Lizzi Testa,“Privilegi economicie definizione di status:Il caso del vescovo cristiano,” Rendiconti dell’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei:Classe di scienze morali,storiche e filologiche ,ser. 9,no. 11 (2000):55-103;C. Rapp,Holy Bishops in Late Antiquity:The Nature of Christian Leadership in an Age of Transition (Berkeley:University of California Press,2005),234-60;R. Van Dam,“Bishops and Society,” in The Cambridge History of Christianity ,vol. 2,Constantine to c. 600 ,ed. A. Casiday and F.W. Norris (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2007),343-66 at pp. 345-47。读者需要知道,这些法令中的很多依旧不能确定其颁布时间。
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[16] 特别参见Jones,The Later Roman Empire ,2:734-37,858-59,这本书提供了关于这些义务的程度和多样性的描述。
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[17]Codex Theodosianus 16.2.16 (361).
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[18] Lizzi Testa,“Privilegi economici e definizione di status,” 91-96;Jones,The Later Roman Empire ,1:118.
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[19] A.H.M. Jones,“The Social Background of the Struggle between Paganism and Christianity,” in The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century ,ed. A. Momigliano(Oxford:Clarendon Press,1963),17-37 at p. 21.
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[20] 关于意大利,特别参见C. Sotinel,“Le personnel épiscopal:Enquête sur la puissance de l’évêque dans la cité,” in L’évêque dans la cité du IVeau Vesiècle:Image et autorité ,ed. é. Rebillardand C. Sotinel,Collection de l’école française de Rome 248 (Rome:école franäaise de Rome,1998),105-26,esp. at pp. 125-26,reprinted as “The Bishop’s Men:Episcopal Power in the City,” in Church and Society in Late Antique Italy and beyond (Farnham,UK:Ashgate/Variorum,2010),article VII;同一作者的“Le recrutement des évêques en Italie aux IVe et Ve siècles,” in Vescovie pastori in epoca Teodosiana ,Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum 58 (Rome:Institutum Pontificium Augustinianum,1997),193-204,reprinted in Church and Society ,article VI;同一作者的“Lesévêques italiens dans la société de l’Antiquité tardive:L’émergence d’une nouvelle élite?” in Le trasformazioni delle “élites” in età tardoantica ,ed. R. Lizzi Testa (Rome:Bretschneider,2006),reprinted as “The Bishops of Italy in Late Antique Society:A New Elite?” in Church and Society ,article VIII;G.A. Cecconi,“Vescovi e maggiorenti cristiani nell’Italia centrale fra IV e V secolo,” Vescovi e pastori in epoca Teodosiana ,205-24。关于东部省份,参见新的研究Rapp,Holy Bishops ,172-88,205-44;S. Hübner,Der Klerus in der Gesellschaft des spätantikenKleinasiens (Stuttgart:F. Steiner,2006)。新近面市的Prosopographie chrétienne du Bas Empire ,vol. 3,Diocèse d’Asie (325-641) ,ed. S. Destephen (Paris:CNRS,2008)将会极大地丰富我们关于东部省份的教士的社会地位的知识。
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[21] J.-M. Carrié,“Les associations professionnelles à l’époque tardive:Entre munus et convivialité,” in Humana sapit ,309-32.
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[22] É. Rebillard,Religion et sépulture:L’Église,les vivants et les morts dans l’Antiquité tardive (Paris:Éditions de l’école des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales,2003),51-71,最近被译成英文:The Care of the Dead in Late Antiquity (Ithaca,NY:Cornell University Press,2009),37-56。
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[23] C.R. Galvão-Sobrinho,“Funerary Epigraphy and the Spread of Christianity in the West,” Athenaeum ,n.s.,83 (1995):421-66.
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[24]Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres ,ed. E. Diehl (Zurich:Weidmann,1970),no. 666.
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[25]Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres ,vol. 1,nos. 602,604A,668. D. Mazzoleni,“Il lavoro nell’epigrafia Cristiana,” in Epigrafi del mondo cristiano antico (Rome:Lateran University Press,2002),39-48 收集了证据,配有插图,还有关于基督教圈子里劳动的尊严这一主题的有启发性但并不充分的讨论。
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[26]Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae Septimo Saeculo Antiquiores ,ed. Giovanni Battista de Rossi and Angelo Silvagni,n.s.,vol. 5,Coemeteria reliqua viae Appiae ,ed. A. Ferrua(Vatican:Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana,1971),no. 13655,p. 133.
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[27] J.Dresken-Weiland,Sarkophagbestattungen des 4.-6. Jahrhunderts im Westen des römischen Reiches ,Römische Quartalschrift Supplementband 55 (Rome:Herder,2003),78.
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[28] J.Dresken-Weiland,Sarkophagbestattungen des 4.-6. Jahrhunderts im Westen des römischen Reiches ,Römische Quartalschrift Supplementband 55 (Rome:Herder,2003),73-75。
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[29] P. Veyne,L’empire gréco-romain (Paris:Seuil,2005),ch. 3,“Existait-il une classe moyenne en ces temps lointains?” 117-62 at pp. 126-29.
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[30]Codex Thedosianus 12.1.53 (361)提供了概括的说法。反对富裕市民晋铎的最著名的法律是Codex Theodosianus 16.2.3 (320) and 16.2.17 (364)。
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