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16志愿者所言引自Peter Novick,The Holocaust in American Life. New York:Houghton Mifflin,1999,p. 137。实验的详细专业介绍,见Arthur G. Miller,The Obedience Experiments:A Case Study of Controversy in Social Science. New York:Praeger,1986,pp. 115。
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Stanley Milgram,“Behavioral Study of Obedience.”Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 67(1963):pp. 371378.
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17Ann L. Saltzman,“The Role of the Obedience Experiment in Holocaust Studies. The Case for Renewed Visibility.”In Thomas Blass,ed.,Obedience to Authority:Current Perspectives on the Milgram Paradigm. Mahwah,N.J.:Lawrence Erlbaum Associates,Publishers,2000,p. 125.
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18Thomas Blass,The Man Who Shocked the World:The Life and Legacy of Stanley Milgram. New York:Basic Books,2004,pp. 268269,i.
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19Stanley Milgram,Obedience to Authority:An Experimental View. New York:Harper and Row,1974,p. 185.
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20Arthur G. Miller,The Obedience Experiments,pp. 181182.
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21Thomas F. Pettigrew,“The Man Who Shocked the World:The Life and Legacy of Stanley Milgram.”(Book Review)Social Forces 83:4(June 2005):17781779,p. 1779.
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22更多的例子见Thomas Blass,The Man Who Shocked the World,pp. 261263。
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灾难见证和公民运动
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1Alan Mintz,Popular Culture and the Shaping of Holocaust Memory in America. Seattle:University of Washington Press,2001,p. 109.
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2Earnest L. Perry,“Coverage of Crime.”In W. David Sloan and Lisa Mullikin Parcell,eds.,American Journalism:History,Principles,Practices. Jefferson,NC:McFarland & Co.,2002,p. 193.
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3U. S. Riot Commission Report,Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorder. New York:Bantam,1968,p. 382.
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4Jeffrey C. Alexander,“On the Social Construction of Moral Universals:The Holocaust from War Crime to Trauma Drama.”In Jeffery C. Alexander,et al.,Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity. Berkeley,C.A.:University of California Press,2004,p. 258.
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5Alan Mintz,Popular Culture and the Shaping of Holocaust Memory in America.pp. 179185.
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6J. M. Greene and S. Kumar, “Editors’Introduction.”In J. M. Greene and S. Kumar,eds.,Witness:Voices from the Holocaust. New York:Free Press. 2000,p. xxiv.
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7Geoffrey H. Hartman. The Longest Shadow:In the Aftermath of the Holocaust. Bloomington:Indiana University Press,1996,pp. 153154.
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8Michael Berenbaum and Abraham J. Peck,eds.,The Holocaust and History:The Known,the Unknown,the Disputed,and the Reexamined. Bloomington:Indiana University Press,1998,p. ix.
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9Jeffrey C. Alexander,“On the Social Construction of Moral Universals,”p. 234.
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10Elie Wiesel,“Trivializing the Holocaust.”New York Times,April 16,2∶1,p. 1.
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11Quoted by Geoffrey H. Hartman,The Longest Shadow,p. 84.
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12这样的批评在阿多诺(Theodor Adorno)那里有一句几乎成为名言警句的总结:“奥斯维辛以后不再有诗。”阿多诺的说法在德国哲学家中是有代表性的。“不再有诗”指的是“不可言说”。把纳粹的极恶视为超乎语言,甚至超乎人的思维极限,是不少哲学家的共同想法。德国学者米切利希(Alexander Mitscherlich)说,面对大屠杀,人甚至不再知道如何哀悼(“inability to morn”),德国哲学家吕伯(Hermann Lubbe)说,在这样的情况下,人只能保持沉默的交流(“communicative silence”)。哲学家们感觉到的是一种极度惊诧之后的“休克”状态。引自Bernhard Giesen,“The Trauma Perpetrators:The ‘Holocaust’as the Traumatic Reference of German National Identity.”In Jeffery C. Alexander,et al.,Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity,p. 116。
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但是,公共社会对任何问题,在任何情况下都需要交流。对公共社会来说,“休克”是一种奢侈。过度精致的思想反而会令一般公众厌倦。对于公众来说,说灾难故事,当然包括虚构的故事,是非常必要的。过分精致的思想甚至可能成为产生道德怀疑论、极端相对主义和犬儒主义的温床。把“大屠杀”脱离专制、极权、仇恨和暴力意识形态,抽象为永恒“人性之恶”,就会有这样的危险。人性的软弱固然没错,但人性在某种政治环境中比在别的政治环境中更难有抵抗能力。把像大屠杀这样的“制度之恶”神秘化,仅仅报以虔诚的沉默,有可能导致大恶问题从公共论坛上的“合理消失”。
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以想象的作品来再现不能想象的邪恶和罪恶行为,会不会因此轻辱死者,损害到大灾难的庄严和肃穆呢?历史学家、艺术家、思想家从一开始就提出了这个问题。维赛尔和斯坦勒(George Steiner)都曾说过,沉默是对大屠杀受难者最好的尊重。但是,他们的写作生涯又都证实了一种不能不说的责任感。不言说就是在帮助和加速对苦难者的遗忘。在沉默和言说间挣扎,这本身就是一种多么需要言说的特殊灵魂感受。因为这种感受本身就在告诉感受者,他们面对的人间苦难有多么巨大。对这种内在矛盾的分析,参见Jack Kolbert,The Worlds of Elie Wiesel:An Overview of His Career and His Major Themes. London:Associated University Press,2001,pp. 6465,160。
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13Quoted in Alan Mintz,Popular Culture and the Shaping of Holocaust Memory in America,p. 25.
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我也会是艾希曼吗?电醒世界的社会心理实验
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