打字猴:1.702910183e+09
1702910183
1702910184 [126]George Klosko, Democratic Procedures and Liberal Consensus(New York:Oxford University Press,2004),p.vii.也可参见George Klosko,“Rawls’s‘Political’Philosophy and American Democracy,”American Political Science Review 87,no.2(June 1993):348—359;Gerald N.Rosenberg,“MuchAdo about Nothing?The Emptiness of Rights’Claims in the Twenty-First Century United States,”in“Revisiting Rights,”ed.Austin Sarat, special issue, Studies in Law, Politics, and Society(Bingley, UK:Emerald Group,2009),pp.1—41;Shaun P.Young,“Rawlsian Reasonableness:A Problematic Presumption?,”Ca-nadian Journal of Political Science 39,no.1(March 2006):159—180。
1702910185
1702910186 [127]这段中的引用出自Rawls, The Law of Peoples, pp.74,81。
1702910187
1702910188 [128]这段中的引用出自Rawls, Political Liberalism, p.xxv。
1702910189
1702910190 [129]Rawls, Political Liberalism, p.xl.
1702910191
1702910192 [130]引自Young,“Rawlsian Reasonableness,”p.162。听起来是同样的主题,罗尔斯写道:“人们往往有最终目的,要求他们互相反对而不是妥协。如果这些目的被认为是足够基本的,并且如果一个或多个社会拒绝接受政治上合理的想法以及与之相关的思想谱系,那么它们之间可能会出现僵局,并且战争就会像美国南北内战一样来临。”Rawls, The Law of Peoples, p.123.
1702910193
1702910194 [131]Rawls, The Law of Peoples, p.126.
1702910195
1702910196 [132]Rawls, The Law of Peoples, pp.98—105.
1702910197
1702910198 [133]Harold J.Laski, The Rise of European Liberalism:An Essay in Interpre-tation(London:Allen&Unwin,1947);C.B.Macpherson, The Political Theo-ry of Possessive Individualism:Hobbes to Locke(New York:Oxford University Press,1975).
1702910199
1702910200 [134]F.A.Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty:The Definitive Edition(Chi-cago:University of Chicago Press,2011),p.57.
1702910201
1702910202 [135]Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty, p.148.第六章中更加普遍。威廉·格雷厄姆·萨姆纳(William Graham Sumner)对自由也持类似的看法。参见Robert C.Bannister, ed.,On Liberty, Society, and Politics:The Essential Essays of William Graham Sumner(Indianapolis:Liberty Fund,1992);William Graham Sumner, The Forgotten Man and Other Essays(New Haven, CT:Yale University Press,1919)。
1702910203
1702910204 [136]也可参见Brian Barry, Why Social Justice Matters(Malden, MA:Polity Press,2005);Michael Walzer, Spheres of Justice:A Defense of Pluralism and Equality(New York:Basic Books,1983)。凯利强调在自由主义中促进对进步自由主义者的机会平等的重要性。
1702910205
1702910206 [137]Dworkin, A Matter of Principle, pp.4,179;Rawls, A Theory of Justice.
1702910207
1702910208 [138]Dworkin, A Matter of Principle, p.188.
1702910209
1702910210 [139]关于冷战时期社会科学家如何为美国服务的讨论,参见Joy Rohde, Armed with Expertise:The Militarization of American Social Research during the Cold War(Ithaca, NY:Cornell University Press,2013);Mark Solovey and Hamilton Cravens, eds.,Cold War Science:Knowledge Production, Liberal De-mocracy, and Human Nature(New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2012)。
1702910211
1702910212 [140]罗尔斯不愿意接受国家,这体现在《万民法》中,他故意避免把注意力集中在通常被认为是国际政治主要行动者的国家身上,相反,他主要谈论的是通常不被国际关系学者重视的人民。
1702910213
1702910214 [141]参见Gary Gerstle, Liberty and Coercion:The Paradox of American Government from the Founding to the Present(Princeton, NJ:Princeton Universi-ty Press,2015),它描述了美国干预主义国家的力量随着时间的推移而不断增强,以及权宜自由主义如何以有限的方式影响它。
1702910215
1702910216 [142]Michael McGerr, A Fierce Discontent:The Rise and Fall of the Progres-sive Movementin America,1870—1920(New York:Oxford University Press,2003);Charles Postel, The Populist Vision(New York:Oxford University Press,2007);Stephen Skowronek, Stephen M.Engel, and Bruce Ackerman, eds.,The Progressives’Century:Political Reform, Constitutional Government, and the Modern American State(New Haven, CT:Yale University Press,2016);Alan Trachtenberg, The Incorporation of America:Culture and Society in the Gilded Age(New York:Hill and Wang,1982);Robert H.Wiebe, The Search for Or-der,1877—1920(New York:Hill and Wang,1967).
1702910217
1702910218 [143]David Burner, Herbert Hoover:A Public Life(New York:Knopf,1978);Ellis W.Hawley,“Neo-institutional History and the Understanding of Herbert Hoover,”in Understanding Herbert Hoover:Ten Perspectives, ed.Lee Nash(Stanford, CA:Hoover Institution Press,1987),pp.65—84;Glen Jean-sonne, Herbert Hoover:A Life(New York:New American Library,2016);Joan Hoff Wilson, Herbert Hoover:Forgotten Progressive(Long Grove, IL:Waveland Press,1992).
1702910219
1702910220 [144]Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform:New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War(New York:Knopf,1995);Alan Brinkley, Liberalism and Its Discon-tents(Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press,1998),chap.7;David Ciep-ley, Liberalism in the Shadow of Totalitarianism(Cambridge, MA:Harvard Uni-versity Press,2006);Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform:From Bryan to F.D.R.(New York:Knopf,1981).
1702910221
1702910222 [145]Rick Unger,“Who Is the Smallest Government Spender since Eisenhow-er?Would You Believe It’s Barack Obama?,”Forbes, May 24,2012.克里斯托弗·费里西(Christopher Faricy)写道,当他考察1967年至2006年间的直接和间接政府开支时,他发现“统计上没有确凿证据表明,联邦政府的民主控制导致社会总开支达到更高水平”。Christopher Faricy,“The Politics of Social Poli-cy in America:The Causes and Effects of Indirect versus Direct Social Spending,”Journal of Politics 73,no.1(January 2011):74.也可参见Robert X.Browning,“Presidents, Congress, and Policy Outcomes:U.S.Social Welfare Expendi-tures,1949—77,”American Journal of Political Science 29,no.2(May 1985):197—216;Andrew C.Pickering and James Rockey,“Ideology and the Size of US State Government,”Public Choice 156,nos.3/4(September 2013):443—465。
1702910223
1702910224 [146]引自Henry Olsen,“Here’s How Ronald Reagan Would Fix the GOP’s Health-Care Mess,”Washington Post, June 22,2017。
1702910225
1702910226 [147]Libertarian Party,“2016 Platform,”adopted May 2016,https://www.lp.org/platform/.自由党对“个人主权”的强调说明了它对国家的怀疑有多深,如果不是敌视的话。主权意味着谁拥有最高权力,也即意味着如果个人“对自己的生活拥有主权”,那么个人将拥有最终的权威来批准或不批准国家作出的每一项决定。从定义上讲,这种情况几乎不可能使一个主权国家能够有效地统治个人。Mariya Grinberg,“Indivisible Sovereignty:Delegation of Authority and Exit Option”(unpublished paper, University of Chicago, April 24,2017).
1702910227
1702910228 [148]Walter Lippmann, Drift and Mastery:An Attempt to Diagnose the Cur-rent Unrest(Englewood Cliffs, NJ:Prentice-Hall,1961),p.147.
1702910229
1702910230 [149]John Dewey, The Public and Its Promises:An Essay in Political Inquiry(University Park:Pennsylvania State University Press,2012),p.94.关于这种现象的更详细的讨论,请参见第四章。也请参见Gillis J.Harp, Positivist Republic:Auguste Comte and the Reconstruction of American Liberalism,1865—1920(Uni-versity Park:Pennsylvania State University Press,1995)。
1702910231
1702910232 [150]英国是第一个以严肃的方式实现工业化的国家,并且在工业化的早期阶段,深度参与到经济管理之中。参见Peer Vries, State, Economy and the Great Divergence:Great Britain and China,1650s—1850s(New York:Blooms-bury Academic,2015)。19世纪晚期,工业革命以强大的力量冲击美国时,美国政府也发挥了类似的作用。然而,这个国家的影响力在整个19世纪都有了实质性的增长。参见Brian Balogh, A Government Out of Sight:The Mystery of National Authority in Nineteenth-Century America(New York:Cambridge Univer-sity Press,2009)。
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