1702910100
[84]Carl N.Degler, In Search of Human Nature:The Decline and Revival of Darwinismin American Social Thought(New York:Oxford University Press,1991);Dominic D.P.Johnson and Bradley A.Thayer,“The Evolution of Of-fensive Realism:Survival under Anarchy from the Pleistocene to the Present,”Politics and the Life Sciences 35,no.1(Spring 2016):1—26;Hans J.Morgen-thau, Scientific Man vs.Power Politics(London:Latimer House,1947),pp.165—167;Hans J.Morgenthau, Politics among Nations,5th ed.(New York:Knopf,1973),pp.34—35;Edward O.Wilson, Sociobiology:The New Synthe-sis,2nd ed.(Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press,2004),chap.27;Edward O.Wilson, On Human Nature, rev.ed.(Cambridge, MA:Harvard Uni-versity Press,2004).
1702910101
1702910102
[85]John Locke, The Second Treatise of Government, ed.Thomas P.Peardon(Indianapolis:Bobbs-Merrill,1952),p.4.
1702910103
1702910104
[86]Alexis de Tocqueville, The Ancien Régime and the French Revolution, trans.and ed.Gerald Bevan(New York:Penguin Books,2008),p.102.
1702910105
1702910106
[87]Sanford A.Lakoff, Equality in Political Philosophy(Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press,1964).
1702910107
1702910108
[88]霍布斯不是自由主义者有两个原因。首先,他几乎不重视自然权利,而自然权利是自由主义的核心。其次,他呼吁建立一个特别强大的国家,这与自由主义者认为需要尽可能地限制国家权力的想法背道而驰。
1702910109
1702910110
[89]Locke, The Second Treatise of Government, p.56.也可参见pp.11—14,70—73.
1702910111
1702910112
[90]艾伦·瑞安指出:“主张或否定宽容是一个权利问题,这比任何其他问题都更能将自由主义者和非自由主义者区分开。”Ryan, The Making of Modern Liberalism(Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press,2012),p.31.也可参见pp.22—23。
1702910113
1702910114
[91]这种观点反映在John Stuart Mill, On Liberty(Indianapolis:Bobbs-Mer-rill,1956)一书中。
1702910115
1702910116
[92]Max Weber,“Politics as a Vocation,”出自Max Weber:Essays in Soci-ology, ed.and trans.H.H.Gerth and C.Wright Mills(New York:Routledge,2009),p.78。
1702910117
1702910118
[93]引自John Dewey, Liberalism and Social Action(New York:Capricorn Books,1963),p.22。
1702910119
1702910120
[94]国家作为公正仲裁人的重要性在自由思想中是一个核心主题。Paul Kelly, Liberalism(Malden, MA:Polity Press,2005).
1702910121
1702910122
[95]Judith N.Shklar, Political Thought and Political Thinkers, ed.Stanley Hoffmann(Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1998),p.3.
1702910123
1702910124
[96]潘恩的完整名言是:“社会在每个国家中都是一种福祉,但政府,即使是在其最好的状态下,也只是一种必要的恶;在其最糟糕的状态下,则是一种无法容忍的恶。”Thomas Paine, Common Sense, ed.Isaac Kramnick(London:Penguin,1986),p.61.
1702910125
1702910126
[97]Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, trans.C.D.C.Reeve(Indianapolis:Hackett Publishing,2014),p.13.
1702910127
1702910128
[98]正如下一章中所讨论的,民族主义使自由主义国家与其公民之间产生深厚的联系。事实上,没有民族主义,自由民主就不能长久存在,这就是每个自由主义国家都是一个民族国家的原因。
1702910129
1702910130
[99]参见Sheldon S.Wolin, Politics and Vision:Continuity and Innovation in Western Political Thought, expanded ed.(Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press,2004),chap.9。另外参见Karl Marx,“On the Jewish Question,”in The Marx-Engels Reader, ed.Robert C.Tucker(New York:Norton,1972),pp.24—51;Mill, On Liberty。
1702910131
1702910132
[100]引自Wolin, Politics and Vision, p.280。
1702910133
1702910134
[101]Markus Fischer,“The Liberal Peace:Ethical, Historical, and Philo-sophical Aspects”(BCSIA Discussion Paper 2000—07,Kennedy School of Gov-ernment, Harvard University, April 2000),p.18.费舍尔还谈到了“自由主义的空虚”(p.59)。约翰·罗尔斯清楚地意识到自由主义被“精神空虚所困扰”的指责。然而他指出,“精神问题”当然很重要,但他认为处理这些问题不是政府的事;相反,“应该将其留给每个公民自己来决定”。John Rawls, The Law of Peoples:With“The Idea of Public Reason Revisited”(Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press,1999),p.127.
1702910135
1702910136
[102]Stephen Holmes, Passions and Constraint:On the Theory of Liberal De-mocracy(Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1995),p.10.
1702910137
1702910138
[103]Wolin, Politics and Vision, chap.9.也可参见Carl Schmitt, The Con-cept of the Political, trans.George Schwab(Chicago:University of Chicago Press,2007);Francis Fukuyama,“The End of History?”National Interest, no.16(Summer 1989),pp.3,16,18。约翰·杜威主张,当政治服从于经济时,自由主义内部发生了巨大的变革。Dewey, Liberalism and Social Action, pp.7—11.
1702910139
1702910140
[104]John Gray, Two Faces of Liberalism(New York:New Press,2000),p.16.也可参见John Gray, Endgames:Questions in Late Modern Political Thought(Cambridge:Polity Press,2004),pp.51—54。罗纳德·德沃金是一位自由主义的法律理论家,他自然把注意力放在法庭上,而不是政治上,并将法庭作为推动其进步自由主义议程前进的主要工具。
1702910141
1702910142
[105]Niccolò Machiavelli, Discourses on Livy, trans.Julia C.Bondanella and Peter Bondanella(New York:Oxford University Press,2009).
1702910143
1702910144
[106]关于洛克对无神论者和天主教徒的无法容忍,参见David J.Lorenzo,“Traditionand Prudence in Locke’s Exceptions to Toleration,”American Journal of Political Science 47,no.2(April 2003):248—258。朱迪丝·施克莱写道,自由主义“必须反对那些不承认个人和公众领域有任何区别的政治学说。由于宽容作为对公共行为体不可或缺的限制的首要性,自由主义者必须总是划出这样的界限”。Shklar, Political Thought and Political Thinkers, p.6.
1702910145
1702910146
[107]Gray, Two Faces of Liberalism, p.3.
1702910147
1702910148
[108]Holmes, Passions and Constraint, p.2.古典自由主义与权宜自由主义是同义词。
1702910149
[
上一页 ]
[ :1.7029101e+09 ]
[
下一页 ]