打字猴:1.70291025e+09
1702910250 [159]Glenn C.Altschuler and Stuart M.Blumin, The GI Bill:A New Deal for Veterans(New York:Oxford University Press,2009);Edward Humes, Over Here:How the G.I.Bill Transformed the American Dream(New York:Har-court,2006).
1702910251
1702910252 [160]John Troyer, ed.,The Classical Utilitarians:Bentham and Mill(Indian-apolis:Hackett Publishing,2003),p.92.
1702910253
1702910254 [161]Dewey, Liberalism and Social Action, p.19.
1702910255
1702910256 [162]David Armitage, The Declation of Independence:A Global History(Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press,2008),p.80.更多边沁在个人权利上的观点,参见pp.78—81,173—186。
1702910257
1702910258 [163]Troyer, The Classical Utilitarians, p.92.
1702910259
1702910260 [164]Borcoyannis,“The International Wanderings of a Liberal Idea,”p.709.
1702910261
1702910262 [165]引自Wolin, Politics and Vision, p.298。
1702910263
1702910264 [166]引自E.H.Carr, The Twenty Years’Crisis:An Introduction to the Study of International Relations(London:Macmillan,1962),p.24。
1702910265
1702910266 [167]Mill, On Liberty, p.14.
1702910267
1702910268 [168]国际关系文献中有一种功利主义理论,通常被称为博弈论。参见James Fearon,“Rationalist Explanations for War,”International Organization 49,no.3(Summer 1995):379—414;Dan Reiter,“Exploring the Bargaining Model of War,”Perspectives on Politics 1,no.1(March 2003):27—43;Thomas C.Schelling, The Strategy of Conflict(Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press,1960),chaps.2—3。这篇文献首先提出一种观察:战争是一种效率低下、代价高昂的争端解决方式,因此,各国通过谈判以达成协议这种和平的方式解决分歧是非常有意义的,而不是在战场上奋战到底。博弈论理论家认为,三个因素决定了竞争国家达成协议而不是相互斗争的可能性。必须有“议题可分割性”,这实际上意味着双方的分歧必须服从于妥协。双方必须愿意在博弈中放弃一些他们认为重要的东西。此外,双方必须对它们之间的实际均势有很好的了解,这样它们就知道一旦战斗爆发谁会获胜。最后,双方行为体必须能够对达成的协议作出可信的承诺。双方都需要对对方不会对已达成的协议进行抵赖有信心。这不是评价博弈论的地方,与所有理论一样,博弈论也有正面效应和负面效应。关键在于像功利主义一样,博弈论不是一种自由主义理论,因此它不在本书的讨论范围内。
1702910269
1702910270 [169]“自由理想主义”有时被称为“新自由主义”。
1702910271
1702910272 [170]艾伦·瑞安把杜威称为“中西部的托马斯·希尔·格林(Thomas Hill Green)”。Alan Ryan, John Dewey and the High Tide of American Liberalism(New York:Norton,1995),p.12.
1702910273
1702910274 [171]Jack Crittenden, Beyond Individualism:Reconstituting the Liberal Self(New York:Oxford University Press,1992),p.154.也可参见Gerald F.Gaus, The Modern Liberal Theory of Man(New York:St.Martin’s Press,1983);Ste-phen Macedo, Liberal Virtues:Citizenship, Virtue, and Community in Liberal Constitutionalism(New York:Oxford University Press,1990);Avital Simhony and D.Weinstein, eds.,The New Liberalism:Reconciling Liberty and Communi-ty(New York:Cambridge University Press,2001)。值得注意的是,我称之为进步自由主义的、对罗尔斯自由主义的社群主义批判,对近几十年来促进自由理想主义著作的增长起到了关键作用。参见Simhony and Weinstein, The New Liberalism。
1702910275
1702910276 [172]T.H.Green, Prolegomena to Ethics,3rd ed.(Oxford:Clarendon Press,1890),p.311.
1702910277
1702910278 [173]Dewey, Liberalism and Social Action, p.25.
1702910279
1702910280 [174]G.W.F.Hegel, Hegel:Elements of the Philosophy of Right, ed.Al-len W.Wood(Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1991).
1702910281
1702910282 [175]直接与自然权利的概念相比,托马斯·希尔·格林写道:“因此,没有人可以拥有权利,除非:(1)作为一个社会成员;(2)社会成员承认某些共同的利益是他们自身的理想利益,即他们每个人都应该拥有的利益。”Green, Lec-tures on the Principles of Political Obligation(Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press,1967),p.45.在这一点上的更多内容,参见Simhony and Weinstein, The New Liberalism, p.16。
1702910283
1702910284 [176]自由理想主义者实际上认为自由主义和民族主义可以整合成一个统一的意识形态。我的观点是,它们是具有不同核心逻辑的独立的主义,因此不能统一。然而,它们可以在国家内部共存,尽管这两个主义总是有可能发生冲突。
1702910285
1702910286 [177]博赞基特的引用出自Jeanne Morefield, Covenants without Swords:I-dealist Liberalism and the Spirit of Empire(Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press,2005),p.46。格林的引用出自他的Lectures on the Principles of Politi-cal Obligation, p.175。关于格林在“世界民族主义”上的观点,参见Duncan Bell and Casper Sylvest,“International Society in Victorian Political Thought:T.H.Green, Herbert Spencer and Henry Sidgwick,”Modern Intellectual History 3,no.2(August 2006):220—221。
1702910287
1702910288 [178]Carr, The Twenty Years’Crisis, p.46.
1702910289
1702910290 [179]Erez Manela, The Wilsonian Moment:Self-Determination and the Inter-national Origins of Anticolonial Nationalism(New York:Oxford University Press,2007).
1702910291
1702910292 [180]John Dewey,“Nationalizing Education,”in John Dewey:The Middle Works,1899—1924,vol.10(Carbondale:Southern Illinois University Press,1980),p.202.关于19世纪后半叶和20世纪初如何看待民族主义的讨论,参见Mark Mazower, Governing the World:The History of an Idea,1815 to the Present(New York:Penguin Books,2012),pp.48—54,60—67;Casper Syl-vest,“James Bryce and the Two Faces of Nationalism,”in British International Thinkers from Hobbes to Namier, ed.Ian Hall and Lisa Hill(New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2009),pp.161—179。
1702910293
1702910294 [181]Dewey,“Nationalizing Education,”p.203;Alfred E.Zimmern, Na-tionality and Government with Other War-Time Essays(New York:Robert M.McBride,1918),pp.61—86.这一章是基于齐默恩在1915年6月发表的一篇演讲。
1702910295
1702910296 [182]Zimmern, Nationality and Government with Other War-Time Essays, p.100.
1702910297
1702910298 [183]Hegel, Hegel:Elements of the Philosophy of Right, p.282.
1702910299
[ 上一页 ]  [ :1.70291025e+09 ]  [ 下一页 ]