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[426]Helene Cooper and Mark Landler,“White House and Egypt Discuss Plan for Mubarak’s Exit,”New York Times, February 3,2011;Tim Ross, Mat-thew Moore, and Steven Swinford,“Egypt Protests:America’s Secret Backing for Rebel Leaders behind Uprising,”Telegraph, January 28,2011;Anthony Sha-did,“Obama Urges Faster Shift of Power in Egypt,”New York Times, February 1,2011.
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[427]Shadi Hamid,“Islamism, the Arab Spring, and the Failure of America’s Do-Nothing Policy in the Middle East,”Atlantic Monthly, October 9,2015;Emad Mekay,“Exclusive:US Bankrolled Anti-Morsi Activists, Al Jazeera, July 10,2013;Dan Roberts,“US in Bind over Egypt after Supporting Morsi but En-couraging Protesters,”Guardian, July 3,2013.
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[428]关于杀害兄弟会成员及其盟友,参见“All According to Plan:The Rab’a Massacre and Mass Killings of Protestors in Egypt,”Human Rights Watch, August 12,2014,https://www.hrw.org/report/2014/08/12/all-according-plan/raba-massacre-and-mass-killings-protesters-egypt。关于美国的法律和埃及的政变,参见Max Fischer,“Law Says the U.S.Is Required to Cut Aid after Coups.Will It?”Washington Post, July 3,2013;Peter Baker,“A Coup?Or Something Else?$1.5 Billion in U.S.Aid Is on the Line,”New York Times, July 4,2013。关于美国对政变的回应,参见Amy Hawthorne,“Congress and the Reluctance to Stop US Aid to Egypt,”MENA Source, Atlantic Council, Washington, DC, January 14,2014。
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[429]Hamid,“Islamism, the Arab Spring, and the Failure of America’s Do-Nothing Policy in the Middle East.”美国还为沙特阿拉伯在也门内战(2015年至今)中的野蛮军事干预提供了关键援助(空中加油、情报、提供炸弹)。沙特空军针对平民目标的大规模轰炸行动是也门人民遭受巨大痛苦的主要原因。
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[430]David E.Sanger and Judith Miller,“Libya to Give Up Arms Programs, Bush Announces,”New York Times, December 20,2003.
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[431]U.S.Army and Marine Corps, Counterinsurgency Field Manual 3—24(Chicago:University of Chicago Press,2007),pp.2,43.
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[432]参见Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and George W.Downes,“Intervention and Democracy,”International Organization 60,no.3(Summer 2006):627—649;William Easterly, Shanker Satyanath, and Daniel Berger,“Superpower In-terventions and Their Consequences for Democracy:An Empirical Inquiry”(Na-tional Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No.13992,Cambridge, MA, May 2008);Andrew Enterline and J.Michael Greig,“The History of Imposed Democracy and the Future of Iraq and Afghanistan,”Foreign Policy Analysis 4,no.4(October 2008):321—347;Nils Petter Gleditsch, Lene Siljeholm Christians-en, and Havard Hegre,“Democratic Jihad?Military Intervention and Democra-cy”(World Bank Research Policy Paper No.4242,Washington, DC, June 2007);Arthur A.Goldsmith,“Making the World Safe for Partial Democracy?Questioning the Premises of Democracy Promotion,”International Security 33,no.2(Fall 2008):120—147;Jeffrey Pickering and Mark Peceny,“Forging De-mocracy at Gunpoint,”International Studies Quarterly 50,no.3(September 2006):556。
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[433]Enterline and Greig,“The History of Imposed Democracy,”p.341.
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[434]Pickering and Peceny,“Forging Democracy at Gunpoint,”p.556.
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[435]Alexander B.Downes and Jonathan Monten,“Forced to Be Free:Why Foreign-Imposed Regime Change Rarely Leads to Democratization,”International Security 37,no.4(Spring 2013):94.
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[436]George W.Downes and Bruce Bueno de Mesquita,“Gun-Barrel Diplo-macy Has Failed Time and Again,”Los Angeles Times, February 4,2004.
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[437]Pickering and Peceny,“Forging Democracy at Gunpoint,”p.554.
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[438]Easterly, Satyanath, and Berger,“Superpower Interventions and Their Consequences for Democracy,”p.1.
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[439]美国及其欧洲盟国有时宣传波斯尼亚是一场成功的干预。毫无疑问,西方在1995年停止了波斯尼亚的血腥冲突,但今天它仍不是一个独立的国家,因为主要由欧盟和美国组成的高级代表办公室在管治波斯尼亚上发挥着核心作用。此外,即使波斯尼亚是独立的,它也不是一个民主国家,这主要是因为它的宪法违反了《欧洲人权公约》。最后,欧盟在波斯尼亚保持军事存在,以防止敌对派系重新发动战争。
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[440]对于这一案例的更全面的描述,参见John J.Mearsheimer,“Why the Ukraine Crisis Is the West’s Fault,”Foreign Affairs 93,no.5(September/Octo-ber 2014):77—89;John J.Mearsheimer,“Moscow’s Choice,”Foreign Affairs 93,no.6(November/December 2014):175—178。
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[441]这是一些分析人士在危机爆发后提出的论点,但在危机爆发前几乎没有人提出过。例如,斯蒂芬·谢斯塔诺维奇(Stephen Sestanovich)宣称,在20世纪90年代初,“俄罗斯如今的进攻性政策就准备就绪了”,并且从那时起,“权力计算就低估了”美国对俄罗斯的政策。Stephen Sestanovich,“How the West Has Won,”Foreign Affairs 93,no.6(November/December 2014):171,173.在此观点下,北约扩大是一种现实主义政策。然而,现有的证据与这种对事件的解释相矛盾。俄罗斯在20世纪90年代根本不可能采取攻势,尽管2000年后俄罗斯的经济和军事有所改善,但几乎没有西方国家将其视为2月22日政变前入侵其邻国特别是乌克兰的严重威胁。事实上,俄罗斯在其西部边境或其附近几乎没有任何大规模的战斗部队,也没有一个严肃的俄罗斯决策者或权威人士谈到征服东欧领土。因此,毫不奇怪的是,美国领导人很少利用俄罗斯侵略的威胁来为北约的扩张辩护。
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[442]G.John Ikenberry, After Victory:Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order after Major Wars(Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press,2001),pp.235—239,245—246,270—273.乌克兰危机爆发六个月后,奥巴马总统在爱沙尼亚对听众说:“我们的北约联盟不是针对任何其他国家的,我们是一个致力于自身的集体防御的民主联盟。”Official transcript of“Re-marks by the President to the People of Estonia,”Nordea Concert Hall, Tallinn, Estonia, September 3,2014(Washington, DC:White House).
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[443]Mary Elise Sarotte,“A Broken Promise?What the West Really Told Moscow about NATO Expansion,”Foreign Affairs 93,no.5(September/October 2014):90—97;Joshua R.I.Shifrinson,“Deal or No Deal?The End of the Cold War and the U.S.Offer to Limit NATO Expansion,”International Security 40,no.4(Spring 2016):7—44.
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[444]“Yeltsin Sees War Threat in NATO Enlargement,”Jamestown Founda-tion Monitor 1,no. 91(September 8,1995).也见Roger Cohen,“Yeltsin Oppo-ses Expansion of NATO in Eastern Europe,”New York Times, October 2,1993;Steven Erlanger,“In a New Attack against NATO, Yeltsin Talks of a‘Confla-gration of War,’”New York Times, September 9,1995。
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[445]“Bucharest Summit Declaration Issued by the Heads of State and Gov-ernment Participating in the Meeting of the North Atlantic Council in Bucharest on 3 April 2008,”http://www. summitbucharest.ro/en/doc201.html.
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[446]“NATO Denies Georgia and Ukraine,”BBC News, April 3,2008;A-drian Blomfield and James Kirkup,“Stay Away, Vladimir Putin Tells NATO,”Telegraph, April 5,2008;International Crisis Group,“Ukraine:Running Out of Time”(Europe Report No. 231,May 14,2014).
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[447]关于俄罗斯—格鲁吉亚战争,参见Ronald D.Asmus, A Little War That Shook the World:Georgia, Russia, and the Future of the West(New York:Palgrave,2009);Andrew A.Michta,“NATO Enlargement Post-1989:Success-ful Adaptation or Decline?”Contemporary European History 18,no.3(August 2009):363—376;Paul B.Rich, ed.,Crisis in the Caucasus:Russia, Georgia and the West(New York:Routledge,2012)。
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[448]“The Eastern Partnership—an Ambitious New Chapter in the Relations with Its Eastern Neighbors,”European Commission, press release, Brussels, De-cember 3,2008,http://europa. eu/rapid/press-releaseIP-08-1858en.htm?locale=FR%3E.欧盟的欧洲邻国政策瞄准东欧并先于东方伙伴关系,对这一政策的讨论,参见Stefan Lehne,“Time to Reset the European Neighborhood Policy,”Carnegie Europe, February 4,2014,http://carnegieeurope.eu/publications/?fa=54420。
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[449]Valentina Pop,“EU Expanding Its‘Sphere of Influence,‘Russia Says,”euobserver, March 21,2009.
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[450]欧盟推动乌克兰在2013年签署的《联合协议》不仅涉及经济问题。它还有一个重要的安全维度。具体而言,它呼吁所有缔约方“促进外交和安全问题逐步趋同,以使乌克兰更深入地参与欧洲安全领域”。它还呼吁“充分和及时利用缔约方之间的所有外交和军事渠道,包括在第三方国家中的适当接触,以及在联合国、欧洲安全与合作组织和其他国际论坛中”。这显然听起来像北约成员国身份的后门,没有一个谨慎的俄罗斯领导人会用其他的方式来解释它。关于乌克兰总统于2014年3月21日和2014年6月27日部分签署的《联合协议》的背景资料和副本,参见“A Look at the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement,”European Union External Action, April 27,2015,http://collec-tions.internetmemory.org/haeu/content/20160313172652/http://eeas.europa.eu/top_stories/2012/140912ukraineen.htm.The above quotes are from Title II, Article4,1;Title II, Article 5,3b。
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