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[22] 转引自Bertram D. Wolfe,Three Who Made a Revolution (Boston,Beacon Press,1955),p. 120,及Alfred G. Meyer,Leninism (Cambridge,Harvard University Press 1957),p. 73。关于列宁对于土地改革的多少有些各不相同的评价,见本章后半部分。
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[23] 原文如此。参见《列宁全集》第1卷第416页,1955年,北京,中文版;第31卷第66页,1958年,北京,中文版。——译者注
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[24] 转引自de Tocqueville,pp. 161—162。
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[25] Frank Tannenbaum,“On Political Stability,”Political Science Quarterly,75 (June 1960),169.
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[26] 见Seymour Martin Lipset,“Democracy and the Social System,”in Harry Eckstein,ed.,Internal War (New York,The Free Press,1964),pp. 296—302;de Tocqueville,pp. 81—96。
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[27] Lasswell and Kaplan,p. 267.
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[28] 见Seymour Martin Lipset’s summary,“University Students and Politics in Underdeveloped Countries,”in Lipset,ed.,“Special Issue on Student Politics,”Comparative Education Review,10 (June 1966),132 ff.
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[29] Henderson,Korea:The Politics of the Vortex ,p. 181.
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[30] John P. Harrison,“The Role of the Intellectual in Fomenting Change:The University,”in TePaske and Fisher,eds.,Explosive Forces in Latin America ,p. 33;Red Flag ,quoted in Boston Globe ,July 5,1966,p. 14.
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[31] Lipset,pp. 140—141.
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[32] Mosse,Alexander Ⅱ and the Modernization of Russia ,pp. 125—126;Franco Venturi,Roois of Revolution (New York,Grosset and Dunlap,1966),pp. 222—226;Michael Karpovich,Imperial Russia,1801—1917 (New York,Holt,Rinehart and Winston,1932),p. 46.
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[33] Nicholas S. Timasheff,War and Revolution (New York,Sheed and Ward),pp. 179—180.
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[34] Howard J. Wiarda,“The Context of United States Policy toward the Dominican Republic:Background to the Revolution of 1965”(unpublished paper,Harvard University,Center for International Affairs,1966),pp. 30—31.
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[35] Eugene B. Mihaly and Joan M. Nelson,“Political Development and U.S. Economic Assistance”(unpublished paper,1966),p. 8.
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[36] Palmer,Ⅰ ,482.
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[37] “土地改革”和“农业改革”这两个词语可以用“什么”和“怎样”这两层意思来加以区别。就实质或“什么”而言,“土地改革”在这里即指土地所有权以及土地收入的再分配。“农业改革”则是指能够增加农产品和农业生产率的耕作技术、农业机械、肥料、土壤保持、轮作、灌溉、推销等方面的改进。我们在这里主要是论及土地改革,因为它对于政治稳定有着最直接的影响。没有土地改革的农业改革确会增加产量,同时也加剧农村的动荡。没有农业改革的土地改革则会增强政治稳定而降低农业生产力。在“怎样”这个意义上,“土地改革”这个词,如果不加别的限定,就意味着使用除去革命以外的手段来改变土地的占有权。由于所有的革命同样也造成土地占有权的改变,这种改变可被称为“革命的土地改革”,以此区别于那些用较为和平的方式所进行的土地改革。
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[38] 引文分别见Henderson,pp. 156—157;Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph,“Toward Political Stability in Underdeveloped Countries:The Case of India,”Public Policy (Cambridge,Graduate School of Public Administration,1959),9 ,166;Royal Institute of International Affairs,Agrarian Reform in Latin America (London,Oxford University Press,1962),14;Charles J. Erasmus,“A Comparative Study of Agrarian Reform in Venezuela,Bolivia,and Mexico,”in Dwight B. Heath,Charles J. Erasmus,Hans C. Buechler,Land Reform and Social Revolution in Bolivia (unpublished manuscript,University of Wisconsin,Land Tenure Center,1966),pp. 708—709。
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[39] 斯托雷平的话,转引自Willam Henry Chamberlin,“The Ordeal of the Russian Peasantry,”Russian Review,14 (October 1955),297。
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[40] 原文如此,参见《列宁全集》第15卷(1952年,北京中文版)第246—247页。——译者注
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[41] 引文和资料均引自Wolfe;pp. 360—361。
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[42] Mosse,p. 60;Jerome Blum,Lord and Peasant in Russia (Princeton,Princeton University Press,1961),p. 592.
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[43] Thomas F. Carroll,“Land Reform as an Explosive Force in Latin America,”in TePaske and Fisher,p. 84.
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[44] Doreen Warriner,Land Reform and Development in the Middle East ,(2d ed. London,Oxford University Press,1962),pp. 208—209.
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[45] Sidney Klein,The Pattern of Land Tenure Reform in East Asia After World War Ⅱ (New York,Bookman,1958),pp. 230、250;R.P. Dore,Land Reform in Japan (New York,Oxford University Press,1959).
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[46] Gabriel Baer,A History of Landownership in Modern Egypt,1800—1950 (London,Oxford University Press,1962),pp. 13ff. 我关于埃及的论点主要根据该书材料。
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