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31 关于公司福利项目，参见Nye, 1990, Electrifying America, 215。
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32 Gordon, 2016, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, 279.
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33 L. Hartz, 1955, The Liberal Tradition in America: An Interpretation of American Political Thought Since the Revolution (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt).
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34 J. Cowie, 2016, The Great Exception: The New Deal and the Limits of American Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press).
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35 H. G. 刘易斯（H. G. Lewis）的开创性研究表明，在新政时期，工会工资溢价在38%左右波动，而在二战后的几年里，溢价基本为零。尽管20世纪50年代工会工资溢价重新出现，但只占当时工人薪酬的15%。（参见H. G. Lewis, 1963, Unionism and Relative Wages in the U.S.: An Empirical Inquiry [Chicago: Chicago University Press]）其他研究表明工会成员的工资优势随着时间、职位和行业的变化而发生了极大的变化。（参见C. J. Parsley, 1980, “Labor Union Effects on Wage Gains: A Survey of Recent Literature,” Journal of Economic Literature 18[1]: 1–31；G. E. Johnson, 1975, “Economic Analysis of Trade Unionism,” The American Economic Review 65 [2]: 23–28.）
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36 W. K. Stevens, 1968, “Automation Keeps Struck Phone System,” New York Times, April 20.
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37 詹姆斯·贝森认为：“实际上在19世纪后半叶，虽然纺织工人工会规模小、效率低，但纺织工人的工资已经上涨了。使用贝塞麦法生产的钢铁工人的工资比手工炼铁工人高得多，虽然贝塞麦法生产钢铁在最初几十年里不断失败，但工人们每天只工作8小时。”（2015, Learning by Doing: The Real Connection between Innovation, Wages, and Wealth [New Haven, CT: Yale University Press], 86）
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38 Gordon, 2016, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, 282.
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39 M. Alexopoulos and J. Cohen, 2016, “The Medium Is the Measure: Technical Change and Employment, 1909–1949,” Review of Economics and Statistics 98(4): 793.
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40 关于电气行业，参见T. C. Martin, 1905, “Electrical Machinery, Apparatus, and Supplies,” in Census of Manufactures, 1905 (Washington, DC: United States Bureau of the Census), 157–225。
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41 关于热门行业的就业，参见J. Bessen, 2018, “Automation and Jobs: When Technology Boosts Employment” (Law and Economics Paper 17–09, Boston University School of Law)。
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42 一家主要的收音机和电视机制造商在生产电视接收机时采用了新机器，导致工资上涨。由于工作条件的不同和工作职责的增加，新岗位设定的工资比非熟练装配工人的工资高5%—15%。一家使用节省劳动力技术的电气设备制造商同样创造了收入更高的新工作。参见Rothberg, 1960, “Adjustment to Automation in Two Firms,” 80。
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43 R. H. Day, 1967, “The Economics of Technological Change and the Demise of the Sharecropper,” American Economic Review 57 (3): 427–49.
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44 引自W. D. Rasmussen, 1982, “The Mechanization of Agriculture,” Scientific American 247 (3): 87。
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45 关于城市工资的上涨和农村人口的外流，参见W. Peterson and Y. Kislev, 1986, “The Cotton Harvester in Retrospect: Labor Displacement or Replacement?,”Journal of Economic History 46 (1): 199–216。
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46 R. Hornbeck and S. Naidu, 2014, “When the Levee Breaks: Black Migration and Economic Development in the American South,” American Economic Review 104 (3): 963–90.
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47 Rasmussen, 1982, “The Mechanization of Agriculture,” 83.
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48 出处同上，84。
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49 关于密西西比河洪灾，参见Hornbeck and Naidu, 2014, “When the Levee Breaks”。
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50 关于大迁徙，参见 W. J. Collins and M. H. Wanamaker, 2015, “The Great Migration in Black and White: New Evidence on the Selection and Sorting of Southern Migrants,” Journal of Economic History 75 (4): 947–92。
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51 “Motors on the Farms Replace Hired Labor,” 1919, New York Times, October 26.
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52 N. Kaldor, 1957, “A Model of Economic Growth,” Economic Journal 67 (268): 591–624.
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53 P. H. Lindert and J. G. Williamson, 2016, Unequal Gains: American Growth and Inequality Since 1700 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press), 194.
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54 R. M. Solow, 1956, “A Contribution to the Theory of Economic Growth,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 70 (1): 65–94; S. Kuznets, 1955, “Economic Growth and Income Inequality,” American Economic Review 45 (1): 1–28; Kaldor, 1957, “A Model of Economic Growth.”
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55 Kuznets, 1955, “Economic Growth and Income Inequality.”
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