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2. 在这个主题上，我的观点主要来自Msgr. R. A. 的Knox’s Enthusiasm (Oxford, 1950).
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3. 关于这些被剥夺继承权的人，见Niebuhr: op. cit., chapters 2 and 3. 也请见Leo Soles 的相关叙述“Anti-Intellectualism in the Puritan Revolution,” Church History, Vol. XXIV (December, 1956), pp. 306-16; 以及D. B. Robertson: The Religious Foundations of Leveller Democracy (New York, 1951), especially pp. 29-40.
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4. 塞缪尔·埃利奥特·莫里森（Samuel Eliot Morison）说，激进的清教徒有这种敌意，是信条的一部分。狂热派会认为大学乃是“撒旦的妓院”“撒谎者之家”，并且“在上帝面前发出令人极端厌恶的臭气”。爱德华·约翰逊（Edward Johnson）认为安妮·哈钦森女士跟她的伙伴们极度地痛恨学识，他们尽可能地劝诫人们要小心，不要被知识污染了心灵。该女士的一名跟随者曾对约翰逊说：“跟我来……我带你去见一位女士，她宣讲的福音比任何穿着黑色长袍上过大学的牧师都好。她是一位有着另一种精神的女士，得到过很多天启……我宁可听这样一位从未读过书、却从心底真挚感情出发的人宣道，也不愿意听你们那些有学问的人布道，即使他们饱读《圣经》。”Edward Johnson: Wonder-Working Providence of Sions Saviour in New England, ed. by J.F. Jameson (New York, 1910), pp. 127-8.
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5.A History of American Literature, 1607-1765 (Ithaca, New York: 1949), pp. 85-7.
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6. 对这些早期文化成就充满激情的辩护和欣赏，见Samuel Eliot Morison: The Intellectual Life of Colonial New England (New York, 1956); cf. Thomas G. Wright: Literary Culture in Early New England (Cambridge, 1920); Kenneth Murdock: Literature and Theology in Colonial New England (Cambridge, 1949).
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7. 关于1680年至1725年牧师的处境，见Clifford K. Shipton: “The New England Clergy of the Glacial Age,” Colonial Society of Massachusetts Publications, Vol. XXXII (Boston, 1937), pp. 24-54.
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8. 当本案第一批被告被吊死处决、其他被告正在候审之际，有一些牧师写信给州长与审判委员会，指出“审慎调查真相的必要，以免因心魔浮起而轻信不确实的证据，造成一连串的冤枉悲剧”。但是民间人士却无视于牧师们的警告，继续以“明确证据”为名大肆搜捕嫌疑人，于是牧师们联名上书州长，在牧师们的坚持下，州长最后终止了这场不当的审判。见Shipton: “The New England Clergy,” p. 42.
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9. Perry Miller就这一衰败在体制和教义方面的表现写过一份精彩的记述，见The New England Mind: from Colony to Province (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1953).
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10. Quoted by Edwin Scott Gaustad: The Great Awakening in NewEngland (New York, 1957), p. 27.
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11. 关于达文波特，见Gaustad: op. cit., pp. 36-41. 爱德华兹本人在他的Treatise Concerning Religious Affections (1746)中用大量的篇幅反对这种表现。
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12. Gilbert Tennent, The Danger of an Unconverted Ministry Considered in a Sermon on Mark VI, 34 (Boston, 1742), pp. 2-3, 5, 7, 11-13.
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13. L. Tyennan: The Life of the Rev. George Whitefield (London, 1847), Vol. II, p. 125. See Eugene E. White: “Decline of the Great Awakening in New England: 1741 to 1746,” New England Quarterly, Vol. XXIV (March, 1951), p. 37.
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14. 吉尔伯特·坦南特给传统牧师的绰号被查尔斯·昌西记录了下来，编成了目录：“有奶就是娘、毛毛虫、舞文弄墨的法利赛人、狡诈如狐、残忍如狼、虚伪之徒、无赖、毒蛇之子、制造蠢货的人、恶魔安插在牧师里的奸细、保姆、不会叫的死狗、瞎子、死人、心藏恶魔之人、上帝的叛徒和敌人、聋瞎向导、撒旦之子……杀人的伪君子。”Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in New England (Boston, 1743) p. 249. 这些绰号大多似乎来自坦南特的Danger of an Unconverted Ministry。
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15. Gaustad: op. cit., p. 103.
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16.Seasonable Thoughts, p. 226.
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17. Ibid., pp. 256-8.
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18. Leonard W. Labaree: “The Conservative Attitude toward the Great Awakening,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., Vol. I (October, 1944), pp. 339-40, from Tracy: Great Awakening, p. 319.
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19. Quoted by Labaree: op. cit., p. 345, from South Carolina Gazette (September 12-19, 1741).
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20. Ibid., p. 336.
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21. White: op. cit., p. 44.
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22.Works (New York, 1830), Vol. IV, pp. 264-5.
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23. 关于新英格兰各学院对大觉醒运动的反应，见Richard Hofstadter and Walter P. Metzger: The Development of Academic Freedom in the United States (New York, 1955), pp. 159-63.
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24. Gaustad: op. cit., pp. 129, 139.
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25. Richard J. Hooker, ed.: The Carolina Backcountry on the Eve of the Revolution (Chapel Hill, 1953), pp. 42, 52-3, 113, 关于南方腹地的文化环境，请见Carl Bridenbaugh: Myths and Realities: Societies of the Colonial South (Baton Rouge, 1952), chapter 3.
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26. Colin B. Goodykoontz: Home Missionson the American Frontier (Caldwell, Idaho, 1939), pp. 139-43. 在拓荒时期不只有新教的各教派之宗教传统或是组织有失传或瓦解的现象，连天主教徒中也发生如此情况，一位印第安纳的牧师写道：“在附近的爱尔兰移民们，很多人甚至不知道上帝的存在，他们不敢去参加教理课程，即使来了也不知道该如何做。”见Sister Mary Carol Schroeder: The Catholic Church in the Diocese of Vincennes, 1847-1877 (Washington, 1946), p. 58.
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