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[52] Josephus，Jewish Antiquities，ed. & tr. H. Thackeray et al. 13 vols. Cambridge，Mass.，1930-65，8.146.公元前9世纪初的一篇塞浦路斯文碑铭，经一位译者翻译后，意为一位泰尔籍军事长官为夸耀其军队蹂躏了这座岛屿的战功而立起了这座纪念碑（KAI = H. Donner & W. Röllig（eds.），Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften，3rd edn，3 vols. Wiesbaden，1964，30，ll.1-3）。一篇更为古老的——源自公元前12世纪——在加扎（Ghaza）附近发现的石碑上的铭文宣称是巴尔神蹂躏了塞浦路斯。这段铭文被视为腓尼基人以暴力手段介入该岛事务的历史证据。
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[53] Karageorghis，V. 1998：Greek Gods and Heroes in Ancient Cyprus. Athens.
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[54] Aubet，M. 2001 The Phoenicians and the West：Politics，Colonies and Trade. 2nd edn，tr. M. Turton. Cambridge，155.
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[55] Frankenstein，S. 1979 ‘The Phoenicians in the Far West：A Function of Neo-Assyrian Imperialism’，in Larsen（ed.）1979，269.
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[56] Postgate，J. 1974 Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire. Rome.
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[57] Postgate，J. 1969 Neo-Assyrian Royal Grants and Decrees. Rome；1979，200-214.
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[58] Kuhrt，A. 1995 The Ancient Near East c.3000-330 BC. 2 vols. London，518-519.
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[59] Russell，J. 1991 Sennacherib’s Palace without Rival at Nineveh. Chicago.
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[60] Postgate，J. 1979 ‘The Economic Structure of the Assyrian Empire’，in Larsen（ed.）1979，218；Aubet，M. 2001 The Phoenicians and the West：Politics，Colonies and Trade. 2nd edn，tr. M. Turton. Cambridge，90-92；Frankenstein，S. 1979 ‘The Phoenicians in the Far West：A Function of Neo-Assyrian Imperialism’，in Larsen（ed.）1979，272-273.
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[61] Frankenstein，S. 1979 ‘The Phoenicians in the Far West：A Function of Neo-Assyrian Imperialism’，in Larsen（ed.）1979，286.
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[62] Aubet，M. 2001 The Phoenicians and the West：Politics，Colonies and Trade. 2nd edn，tr. M. Turton. Cambridge，90-92.
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[63] Frankenstein，S. 1979 ‘The Phoenicians in the Far West：A Function of Neo-Assyrian Imperialism’，in Larsen（ed.）1979，273.
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[64] 近年来在西班牙西南部港口韦尔瓦进行的发掘行为，似乎为公元前9世纪腓尼基人曾在该地进行商业活动的事实提供了强有力的证据（González de Canales，F.，Serrano，L.，& Llompart，J. 2006 ‘The Pre-Colonial Phoenician Emporium of Huelva ca. 900-770 BC’，Bulletin antieke Beschavung《古代文明学报》，81：13-29）。相关观点见Gubel，E. 2006 ‘Notes on the Phoenician Component of the Orientalizing Horizon’，in Riva，C.，& Vella，N.（eds.）2006 Debating Orientalization：Multidisciplinary Approaches to Processes of Change in the Ancient Mediterranean. London，87；Fletcher，R. 2006 ‘The Cultural Biography of a Phoenician Mushroom-Lipped Jug’，Oxford Journal of Archaeology《牛津考古学杂志》，191。对前殖民地时代腓尼基人所进行的商业活动的怀疑见Aubet，M. 2001 The Phoenicians and the West：Politics，Colonies and Trade. 2nd edn，tr. M. Turton. Cambridge，200-211；Van Dommelen，P. 1998 In Colonial Grounds：A Comparative Study of Colonialism and Rural Settlement in First Millennium BC West Central Sardinia. Leiden，71-75。
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[65] Giardino，C. 1992 ‘Nuragic Sardinia and the Mediterranean：Metallurgy and Maritime Traffic’，in Tykot & Andrews（eds.）1992，304-16；Van Dommelen，P. 1998 In Colonial Grounds：A Comparative Study of Colonialism and Rural Settlement in First Millennium BC West Central Sardinia. Leiden，75-76.
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[66] Van Dommelen，P. 1998 In Colonial Grounds：A Comparative Study of Colonialism and Rural Settlement in First Millennium BC West Central Sardinia. Leiden，76-80.
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[67] Stos-Gale，Z. A.，& Gale，N. H. 1992 ‘New Light on the Provenience of the Copper Oxhide Ingots Found on Sardinia’，in Tykot & Andrews（eds.）1992，317-337.
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[68] Fletcher，R. 2004 ‘Sidonians，Tyrians and Greeks in the Mediterranean：The Evidence from Egyptianising Amulets’，Ancient West and East《古代的西方与东方》，3，1：51-77；Fletcher，R. 2006 ‘The Cultural Biography of a Phoenician Mushroom-Lipped Jug’，Oxford Journal of Archaeology《牛津考古学杂志》，25，2：173-94的一些观点很有意思，如与土著社群之间的合作和融合原为西顿商人的使命，最终被泰尔殖民者取代。这些观点颇为引人注目，但目前尚未得到证实。
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[69] Ridgway，D. 1992 The First Western Greeks. Cambridge，120.
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[70] D’Oriano，R.，& Oggiano，I. 2005 ‘Iolao ecista di Olbia：le evidenze archeologiche tra VIII e VI secolo a.C.’，in Bernardini & Zucca（eds.）2005，169-98.该移民点可能于公元前6世纪末被废弃。
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[71] Rendeli，M. 2005 ‘La Sardegna e gli Eubei’，in Bernardini & Zucca（eds.）2005，92-97；Ridgway，D. 2004，‘Euboeans and Others along the Tyrrhenian Seaboard in the 8th Century B.C.’，in Lomas（ed.）2004，16-19.因埃维亚与腓尼基在地中海地区殖民、贸易及交流活动的本质而起的争论长期存在，甚至导致了越来越深的恶意。相应事例见Snodgrass，A. M. 1994 ‘The Nature and Standing of the Early Western Colonies’，in Tsetskhladze & De Angelis（eds.）1994，1-10；Papadopoulos，J. 1997 ‘Phantom Euboians’，Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology，10：191-219；Morris，S. 1998 ‘Bearing Greek Gifts：Euboean Pottery on Sardinia’，in Balmuth & Tykot（eds.）1998，361-2；Ridgway，D. 1994 ‘Phoenicians and Greeks in the West：A View from Pithekoussai’，in Tsetskhladze & De Angelis（eds.）1994，35-46；2000，183-185；2004，22-28；Boardman，J. 2005 ‘Al Mina：Notes and Queries’，Ancient West and East《古代的西方与东方》，4，2：278-91。
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[72] Tandy，D. 1997 Warriors into Traders：The Power of the Market in Early Greece. Berkeley，66-70.
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[73] Niemeyer，H. G. 1990 ‘The Phoenicians in the Mediterranean：A Non-Greek Model for Expansion and Settlement in Antiquity’，in J.-P. Descœudres（ed.）1990 Greek Colonists and Native Populations：Proceedings of the First Australian Congress of Classical Archaeology Held in Honour of Emeritus Professor A. D. Trendall. Oxford. 469-89.
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[74] Nijboer，A. J. 2005 ‘The Iron Age in the Mediterranean：A Chronological Mess or “Trade Before the Flag”，Part II’，Ancient West and East《古代的西方与东方》，4，2：255-77.
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[75] Markoe，G. 1992 ‘In Pursuit of Metal：Phoenicians and Greeks in Italy’，in Kopcke & Tokumaru（eds.）1992，62-73.与近东及伊特鲁里亚人对白银的巨大欲望形成鲜明对比的是，公元前7世纪的希腊地区几乎找不到一件精美的银饰品。在希腊主要庙宇的祭品中，青铜仍是最经常被用作祭品的贵重金属。这一时期，近东风格的图案、主题以及极为特殊的锻造工艺如造粒、冲压、细丝装饰等被应用在伊特鲁里亚出产的大量东方化银饰上，这表明有腓尼基工匠在意大利中部地区活动。东方化风格后来在伊特鲁里亚的艺术领域占有重要地位（Markoe，G. 1992 ‘In Pursuit of Metal：Phoenicians and Greeks in Italy’，in Kopcke & Tokumaru（eds.）1992，78）。
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[76] Malkin，I. 2002 ‘A Colonial Middle Ground：Greek，Etruscan，and Local Elites in the Bay of Naples’，in Lyons & Papadopoulos（eds.）2002，151-81.
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