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[589]Jeffrey Goldberg，“The Obama Doctrine：The U.S.President Talks Through His Hardest Decisions about America’s Role in the World，”Atlantic Monthly, April 2016.
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[590]以下关于自由主义霸权如何被挫败的讨论，我从与伊丽莎·格奥尔基（Eliza Gheorghe）、肖恩·林恩琼斯（Sean Lynn-Jones）和斯蒂芬·沃尔特的对话中受益匪浅。
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[591]参见Walt, The Hell of Good Intentions, chap.6。
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[592]关于这一观点的详细讨论，参见Walt, The Hell of Good Intentions, chap.7。
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[593]一些为克制辩护的主要著作包括，Andrew J.Bacevich, The Limits of Power：The End of American Exceptionalism（New York：Holt Paperbacks，2009）；Richard K.Betts, American Force：Dangers, Delusions, and Dilemmas in National Security（New York：Columbia University Press，2013）；David C.Hendrickson, Republic in Peril：American Empire and the Liberal Tradition（New York：Oxford University Press，2018）；Chalmers Johnson, Dismantling the Em-pire：America’s Last Best Hope（New York：Metropolitan Books，2010）；Chris-topher Layne, The Peace of Illusions：American Grand Strategy from 1940 to the Present（Ithaca, NY：Cornell University Press，2007）；Anatol Lieven and John Hulsman, Ethical Realism：A Vision for America’s Role in the World（New York：Pantheon，2006）；Michael Lind, The American Way of Strategy：U.S.Foreign Policy and the American Way of Life（New York：Oxford University Press，2006）；Walter A.McDougall, Promised Land, Crusader State：The American Encounter with the World since 1776（New York：Houghton Mifflin，1997）；Da-vid Mayers, Dissenting Voices in America’s Rise to Power（New York：Cam-bridge University Press，2007）；John J.Mearsheimer and Stephen M.Walt，“The Case for Offshore Balancing，”Foreign Affairs 95，no.4（July/August 2016）：70—83；Rajan Menon, The Conceit of Humanitarian Intervention（New York：Oxford University Press，2016）；Joseph M.Parent and Paul K.MacDon-ald，“The Wisdom of Retrenchment：America Must Cut Back to Move For-ward，”Foreign Affairs 90，no.6（November/December 2011）：32—47；Barry R.Posen, Restraint：A New Foundation for U.S.Grand Strategy（Ithaca, NY：Cornell University Press，2015）；Christopher A.Preble, The Power Problem：How American Military Dominance Makes Us Less Safe, Less Prosperous, and Less Free（Ithaca, NY：Cornell University Press，2009）；Rosato and Schuessler，“A Realist Foreign Policy for the United States，”pp.803—819；A.Trevor Thrall and Benjamin H.Friedman, eds.，US Grand Strategy in the 21st Century：The Case for Restraint（New York：Routledge，2018）；Stephen M.Walt, Taming A-merican Power：The Global Response to U.S.Primacy（New York：Norton，2005）。值得注意的是，现实主义者并不是唯一的克制倡导者，也有从非现实主义的视角看待外交政策的克制倡导者。事实上，甚至还有一些赞成克制的自由国际主义者。例如，参见Tony Smith, Why Wilson Matters：The Origin of American Liberal Internationalism and Its Crisis Today（Princeton, NJ：Princeton University Press，2017）。
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[594]Stephen Kinzer, The True Flag：Theodore Roosevelt, Mark Twain, and the Birth of American Empire（New York：Henry Holt，2017）.
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[595]Robin Lindley，“The Origins of American Imperialism：An Interview with StephenKinzer，”History News Network, October 1，2017.
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[596]除了奥巴马和特朗普，乔治·布什在2000年竞选时承诺，他将奉行更“谦逊”的外交政策，并且不会进行国家建构。Condoleezza Rice，“Promoting the National Interest，”Foreign Affairs 79，no.1（January/February 2000）：45—62.他在“9·11”事件后迅速放弃了现实主义政策，并热情地拥抱自由主义霸权。
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[597]Neta C.Crawford，“United States Budgetary Costs of Post 9/11 Wars through FY 2018：A Summary of the＄5.6 Trillion in Costs for the US Wars in Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan，”Costs of War Project, Watson Institute, Brown Uni-versity, November 2017.
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用地图看懂世界格局
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89051
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作者: 王伟
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出版: 贵州人民出版社
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ISBN: 9787221138224
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